Gentile, Jew, or Christian
Improvement Era, vol. 8, no. 3, January 1905, pp. 205 to 206
Munson, Otto J.
TOPICS OF MOMENT. 205 have in your Kaiser a fatherly friend, who wants your co-operation to stamp out an evil which is a disgrace to the German army. Without your help I cannot do it, and I therefore expect that you will give it to me for your own sake, and for those who come after you." Russian Movement for Liberty. No sooner had Prince Sviatopolsk-Mirski, the new Russian Minister of the Interior, been appointed to succeed the late Von Plehve, who was assassinated last July, than he attracted attention by his declaration that he would be guided in his official conduct by a liberal administrative policy. He is of Polish origin, and has had considerable political experience, among which is that of having been Governor-General of Vilna. In an interview given out at Vilna he early declared his belief in the Russian "Zemstvos," or local government boards, and also advocated a more humanitarian attitude toward the Jews. The press also, it was understood, would have greater freedom than heretofore, the stringent policy towards Finland was to be modified, and the system of banishment by administrative decree was to be abolished. These policies were urged by a gathering or conference of prominent members of the "Zemstvos," held in St. Petersburg, in the middle of November. A hundred men took part, and the boldness with which they formulated demands for local self-government and equal justice indicates that the liberals believe that they have in this crisis an unprecedented opportunity to secure popular rights. The whole question of the relation of the government to the people was freely discussed by the conference which was guaranteed immunity from police interference by the Minister of the Interior. Ten resolutions were adopted, to be presented to the Czar, asking a more liberal administration, and complaining of the Russian "abnormal system of government, due to the complete estrangement of government and people, and the absence of the mutual confidence so necessary to national life." The memorial presenting these resolutions and petition to the Czar concluded with "the hope that it is the wish of the Czar to snmmon a national assembly." Many believed that the Emperor would not even consent to receive a petition making such radical
206 IMPROVEMENT ERA. demands, and others predicted that Minister Mirski would lose his place for allowing such meeting of the Zemstvos to be held. But, strange to say, the Czar not only received the memorial presented by the Minister of the Interior,but asked for an interview with the Zemstvos conference; whereupon a deputation of four leaders was received at the palace, who explained their views and wishes at length. The Czar is said to have been greatly impressed by what was said to him, and he asked many questions, but his intentions have so far not been made public. These Zemstvos are composed not only of peasants but also of nobles; and in them,landed proprietors, and those who, prior to the edict of the former Czar, in 1864, establishing these councils, were their serfs, meet for the occasion on a footing of equality. Strange to say, too, peasant and noble are united in a plea for more liberty. While great enthusiasm prevails in the cities and universities, every effort is being made by the Liberals to avoid demonstrations and revolutionary manifestations, not wholly with success, for early in December a serious demonstration was with difficulty quelled by the police. Finland and her leaders have sent a message of greeting to the Zemstvos. The resolution calling for a national assembly reads as follows, and is signed by 31 out of 32 of the Zemstvos represented: In order to secure the proper development of the life of the state and the people, it is imperatively necessary that there be regular participation of national representatives, sitting as an especially elected body, to make laws, regulate the revenue and expenditure, and determine the legality of the actions of the administration. What it may all lead to is a question of much doubt, for it must be remembered that while Mirski believes in the Zemstvos, he believes in them only so far as they shall be no risk to the established system of government. Von Plehve did not believe in them because he thought they contained the germ of a national representative parliament,and so he did everything in his power to hamper their activities. It must also be remembered that the Russian people are not prepared for constitutional government, as the most liberal governments understand it. The present crisis, however,is very interesting, affording a clue to the internal strug-