Big Considerations in the Great War

Big Considerations in the Great War

BY DR. TOSEPH M. TANNER

GERMANY S GREATEST LOSS IN THE WAR

Those who have followed the spread of Germanic industrial life throughout the world know how wonderfully that nation through its people was engaging itself in every avenue of busi- ness, not only throughout Europe but throughout the western continent. In France, thousands of industries were carried on by Germans. Technical training and business habits made them winning competitors with the Frenchmen in almost all the indus- trial life of France. These German emigrants were making a peaceful conquest of a commerce that was world-wide in its opera- tions. They were gathering the choicest resources from all lands, and bringing their fatherland into commercial relations with every part of the globe. These Germans cultivated friendships. They had been obliging in their methods of trade, extremely friendly in social contact, and, withal, a most lovable people. In contrast with them there has grown up in the center of Germany a military oligarchy overbearing, contemptuous and offensively proud. Those who have seen German life in its extremes realize how different these two classes are. The military cast, however, has dissem- inated, very widely, the idea that these peaceful merchantmen and manufacturers in all parts of the world owed their protection and prosperity to the military power of Germany which it was thought was held in dread by all the other nations of the world. Naturally, when the war broke out, all classes having been led to trust in the military power rushed to its defense by every means available. Germany's conquests in the commercial and manufacturing world make her require the friendships of the nations more than any other country in Europe. When the emperor said that the army was his best friend he was mistaken. The army has broken friendships that will not be regained within the next generation, and it is just possible that these peaceful conquests of commerce of the past thirty years may be lost to Germany for an entire century. Germany will learn that she has greatly undervalued the possession of friendship. It will be hard, in the future, for

these nations that have suffered so much to distinguish between the German government and its individual subjects. Avenues of closed friendships will be severed, and German industry will be ;

restric- even though Germany should win, she will experience the

tion that will come to her in all business life through the loss of friendship. The war may close in a spirit of compromise. It may close in a spirit of forgetfulness and forgiveness, but it is more likely to close, for at least a generation, in a spirit of hatefulness and revenge. Germany's loss of friendship, in my opinion, throughout the civilized world has been a defeat more terrible than anything she has suffered at arms. That empire may well change the methods of its procedure, because, in the end, whatever the end may be, she must win friendship if she is to be victorious in the highest sense of the word. This loss of friendship in national life is a lesson to every one who reads the misfortunes in the loss of those sympathetic rela- tions which formerly existed between her and other countries. Friendship isa precious possession. It shapes powerfully the lives of nations as it does the career of individuals. It is the old story — the abuse of power, for one of the first things that the in- dividual loses in the unjust and excessive use of his power is the loss of friendship. While the war is on, Germany will hardly realize what sub- stitution of enmity for the cordial relations that hitherto existed, means to her. That substitution will some time, some day, dis- tress the German empire and that, too, whether Germany shall be victorious or be defeated, in the present struggle at arms.

"lusitania"

The sinking of the Lusitania is more than an event in history. and the beginning of a new, era in interna- It is the end of an old, tional law. According to the compact between the United States and Prussia, the passengers were entitled to notification, search, and the opportunity to spare their lives, before the vessel was sunk. The submarine is a new invention in warfare. It is so small that it can make no pretention itself for the safety of passengers, and as it operates within the enemies' waters chiefly," it performs its mission of death in secrecy, and makes its escape as best it can. As years go on, this event will, no doubt, cause a change in inter- national law. For the present, however, the United States has a right to insist that Germany keep her compact with this country. A nation has a right to insist upon what is accorded to it by inter- national law, and Germany should have been exceedingly careful to keep the good-will of the people of this country. Does a break, therefore, with Germany mean war? No. How then could the United States punish Germany for an infrac- tion of an international agreement? This country might very easily say to Germany "We have fulfilled our agreement with :

•you, in the maintenance of neutrality. We have given you the benefits of the internment of your ships and their merchandise, in our harbors. At a considerable expense to the United States, we have kept a patrol in the ocean to see that English and French ships of war were kept without the three-mile limits. In return for this, you have killed our citizens and acted inhumanly towards us. If you do not care to make reparation we shall be compelled to withdraw our relations of neutrality with the German empire. Your ambassador and consuls will, therefore, be returned their passports, and be required to leave the country." These are very simple words but they are full of meaning. Immediately upon withdrawal of diplomatic relations, the rights of •neutrality would be suspended. That suspension would act auto- matically as a release ofall German merchant ships, battleships,

men and merchandise from our harbors, and they would therefore be at the mercy of the English and French men of war lying just beyond the three-mile limit. And even England and France would have a perfect right to say to this country "Now that you :

have suspended the rights of neutrality to protect German ships and men, you can no longer permit them to remain in your harbors and keep your compact with England and France." That would be a serious matter for Germany. It has been estimated that the value of German capital in American harbors is over a half a billion dollars. In comparison, the loss of the Lusitania would be a mere bagatelle. All that England and the neutral nations have lost through the German submarine would be small, indeed, com- pared with what Germany would lose, if she lost her rights of American neutrality in American ports. Of course, the United States might go farther. It might

sever trade relations with Germany for a number of years, and forbid that nation, for a given period of time, the use of the Panama Canal. Such a course, on the part of this country, would be one of the heaviest punishments that could be inflicted on Ger- many.

Lines Re dauntless, O Soul, and look toward the Light- Ne'er shall it fail thee; Steadfast and_ bright, beyond the black Night, Forever it shineth. Tho' thou in thy anguish perceivest it not, All the rough way is illumed by its ray.

O Heart, once so prayerful thro' all the long years, Liftup thy voice, despite bitter tears, For Infinite Mercy upon His far throne In compassionate pity beholdeth His own. _

Then be glad of His love, and resignedly wait Till at length the chastening rod Break into blossom disclosing thy God. Maud Baggarley