Topics of the Moment

TOPICS OF MOMENT; Monroe Doctrine and Santo Domingo. By treaty stipulations entered into between the Executive Department of the United States and Santo Domingo, this country undertakes to act'as receiver of that practically bankrupt little republic which is in the throes of almost constant revolution. The debt of Santo Domingo is estimated at $30,000,000, an enormous sum for a country with such limited resources. The arrangement is that the United States shall take control of all ports of entry, and collect the import duties and pay over to that republic forty-five per cent for expenses of its own administration. The balance will be used to pay the expenses of collection, and the interest and principal upon the national debt. It will take a very long time to pay off Santo Domingo's debts, at that rate, so we shall stand as a sort of sponsor for many years to come, for its good bshavior and orderly conduct. This is something new in the history of this country. It is a corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, and makes a decided departure in our foreign policy. It will naturally be asked, what led to this step by our country, and what are the results likely to be? It will be remembered that only a few years ago the United States assented to the program of Great Britain and Germany by which these two nations by force of arms compelled Venezuela to submit to the collection at her ports of duties by which the debts of that republic, to these two empires and other creditors, could be paid. Before Venezuela finally acquiesced, a miniature war was carried on. During that time, some acts were committed by these great powers, especially Germany, that were considered harsh and unnecessary. Although it was perfectly understood here that no territorial pos-

372 1MPR0 VEMENT ERA. sessions could be taken by both, or either, excitement nevertheless ran high in the United States. Considerable feeling of bitterness was aroused against Germany, as that country had long been suspected of annexation ambitions toward South America, contrary to our determined stand on the Monroe doctrine. The tension was high in this country, and not a few thought ib our duty to intervene in behalf of Venezuela, even at the risk of war. President Roosevelt has ever since felt the danger of allowing any of the great powers to enforce payment from any of the bankrupt American republics, or from anv who wilfully refused to meet their just obligations to foreign creditors. Santo Domingo was fast approaching the condition of Venezuela. The frequent revolutions in the former country gave excuse to the prevailing party to loot the treasury and disregard all obligations to pay its debts. President Morales had had a precarious struggle for supremacy; and, though he was victorious, he could not be sure of his following. It was an act of prudence, on his part, to enlist the support of the United States. Of course, we could not enter into an alliance with him, but we could undertake to collect the import duties and pay off the national indebtedness of the republic. We are compelled, therefore, to stand between him and the revolutionists that would overthrow the government, as well as between the republic and its creditors. We must now be a party to questions of just claims held by creditors against Santo Domingo: questions that can be solved by arbitration. We shall have to curtail the expenses of the Dominican republic and see that it does not run into debt, until her present difficulties are adjusted; and by the time our mission is accomplished on the island, we shall, no doubt, regard Santo Domingo within the sphere of our influence. It is easier to get in than it will be to get out of her affairs. How other Latin-American republics of the Western hemisphere will regard our move cannot yet be determined. Our policy will evidently create some unrest both in Bogota and Caracas, as Columbia and Venezuela are both in bad straits financially. We have, at any rate, embarked upon a new policy by which we are practically vouching for the good behavior and business integrity of all

TOPICS OF MOMENT. 373 countries that come within the Monroe doctrine. Europe will now look to us for the exercise of police powers in all Latin-American republics. They must be more careful about their exchequer, and be more vigilant in payment of their debts, or we shall be after them with the "big stick." Again, successful revolutionists, for the time being, will follow Santo Domingo's policy, and throw themselves into our protection, especially when their foreign debt runs up to any considerable amount. Unless our southern republics want to fall within the sphere of our influence, they must pay their debts and keep the peace. Another mode of expansion, at least of our material influence, has begun. Its limitations cannot be foreseen. We disavow all intention of enlarging our domain at the expense of our neighbors. We are sincere in the disavowal. What our neighbors may ultimately force us to do is, of course, another question. Europe will not be greatly concerned, unless, indeed, Germany will look askance. That Germany has long looked selfishly toward certain South American republics, is common knowledge; and Berlin was jubilant when we consented to the bombardment of Venezuelan ports by her and Great Britain. She plainly sees that such work did not please us, and that we do not intend to permit it again. It is quite likely that by such means as we are adopting in Santo Domingo, we shall be able to introduce more of our wares into all republics over which the sphere of our influence may extend. That will not be greatly enjoyed by any European country. We may be led to exploit the resources of such republics to our own enrichment. These republics will furnish the adventurous of our nation sought-f or opportunities to speculate in and exploit new countries. Our enormous wealth is leading us abroad, and the republics of the Western hemisphere will offer great fields for our commercial, agricultural, and manufacturing activities. Changes are coming rapidly, and they are of momentous import to the future of the United States. Race Suicide and the Women's Clubs. The Women's Society for Political Study, in New York, on

374 IMPRO VEMENT ERA. January 25, discussed the advisability of having anti-pauper legislation enacted that will restrict the propagation of the human family. The speakers expressed the belief that "such laws would furnish the solution of the child-labor question of over-crowded schools, and all other complaints that hang upon the rapid increase of children." Said one speaker: "We are wasting sympathy on people who surround themselves with large numbers of little ones when they cannot possibly feed them. Let the parents starve, if they bring paupers into the world." When we consider the scarcity of children in the average American home, as we learn it from the reports of "baptisms" in the various Christian churches, and from other sources, this action is rather startling. The total number of "baptisms," in 1903, of infants, in seven of the fashionable churches of New York City, with a combined membership of 3,766, was only 36; while in the largest two leading congregations in the same city, with a combined membership of 4,539, the "baptisms" for the same period was but 57. These figures are taken from the official statements of the ministers of these separate congregations, and we may safely judge them to be quite close to the number of births among the members of these churches who all accept the sprinkling "baptism" of infants. Similar conditions are also reported by ministers of other churches throughout the United States. At the Inter-Church Conference on Marriage and Divorce, held in Washington during the last week in January, President Roosevelt, addressing the assembly, said: "One of the most unpleasant and dangerous features of our American life is the diminishing birth rate and the loosening of the mari al tie among the old native American families. It goes without saying that, for the race as for the individual, no material prosperity, no business growth, no artistic or scientific development will count, if the race commits suicide. Therefore, I count myself fortunate in having the chance to work with you in this matter of vital importance to the national welfare." The New York Independent, in this connection, remarks that the New Hampshire House of Representatives, which is the largest body of the kind in the United States, may be considered as fairly representative cf the average citizenship of an average New Eng-

TOPICS OF MOMENT. 375 land commonwealth. "The entire legislature of the state," says the editor of that journal, "including the governor's council, comprises 418 men. A brief list of biographical sketches of these men, published in the Manchester Union, furnishes material for ininteresting observations relative to the enduring qualities of the old New England stock. A vast majority of these men are native born, more than two-thirds of them being descended from a long line of New England ancestors. Of these 418 men, the state has a right to expect at least 836 children, being two apiece. The actual number, however, is 684, or little more than a child and a half for each man. Of the whole number 355 are married, 275 are fathers, 80 are childless, and 63 are unmarried or widowed. Of the 275 fathers, 94 have one child each; 73 have two; 47 have three; 25 have four; 18 have five; 6 have six; 5 have seven; 2 have eight; 3 have nine, and 2 have ten each. Of the fathers of six children or more each, nearly two-thirds are of foreign birth, chiefly French-Canadian. If these foreign born representatives, therefore, were eliminated from the list, the showing would be still less favorable." As long as people of wealth consider the ideal home one of luxury, ease, selfishness and pleasure, so long will the ideas of the modern women's clubs and the conditions above set forth prevail. Self-sacrifice, the exchange of poodles for children, love, affection, true religion, are some of the virtues that should be placed in the foundation of the ideal home, instead of the false notion of race suicide and selfishness. March of Events in Russia. Great changes are certainly awaiting Russia's immediate future. Since ninety-eight country gentlemen, presidents of Russian local zemstvos, met in a private flat in St. Petersburg, on the 19th of November last, to discuss important issues relating to the empire, sentiment has taken form and force never before known in the Czar's empire. Who were these men and what did they want? In the first place, most of them were men of title and distinction. They were recipients of numerous favors which the Czar might easily withdraw from their enjoyment; their allowance might be cut off; their titles might be revoked; and even

376 IMPROVEMENT ERA. their liberty was endangered by the assumption on their part of any liberty to discuss the affairs of the empire. What they proposed to do has for centuries been regarded as treason of the blackest kind. A few years ago their request would have been met by immediate imprisonment, or exile to Siberia. Had they even met as late as last July, when Minister Von Plehve was in power, they would have met a stern rebuke, and with all the terrors his cruel regime could have struck to their hearts. These men convened to submit to the Czar and his ministers demands for reform. They felt that the conditions of the people were unbearable; and although the crops were better than usual, the people were actually on the verge of starvation. In many of the central districts of Russia the average earnings are not more than nine or ten cents a day; and during the harvest season, while the wages are high, they do not amount to more than fifteen or sixteen cents per day. A spirit of discontent was growing, and these presidents of zemstvos were desirous of seeing means adopted to prevent the disintegrating forces of the empire. They were earnest-minded, patriotic, and would be helpful to the Czar. They were not radicals, but among the most conservative men of the country. Prince Mirsky obtained the consent of the Czar to convene them in St. Petersburg, but he insisted on eliminating all political questions, which they stubbornly refused to allow. The prince then suggested that they meet in some provincial city, but to this suggestion they would not even yield, but did finally consent to carry on their discussions in secrecy, and to exclude all outsiders from their chambers, whereupon they were guaranteed from all interference from the police. They were all agreed in their resolutions that the people were considered too much as children and treated as criminals without any hearing or the sacred right of defense. Men may be arrested by secret police, imprisoned, and even sent to Siberia without the privilege of being heard in their own behalf before a judiciary. The secret police of the Czar of Russia constitute an army of spies. Men do not know when they meet in a social way whether or not the following day they may be arrested and thrown into prison. Such conditions were becoming intolerable and they were

TOPICS OF MOMENT. 377 deplored by the whole body of presidents. On one subject, however, they were divided, and that was the necessity of a constitutional government. On a vote of the convention, 71 as against 27 were in favor of representative government. In Russia, the war has never really been popular, and the Czar himself has never enjoyed the patriotic support of the intelligent and thinking classes. It is true that his influence as the head of the Greek church in Russia has been strong among the ignorant and the religious classes. The Russian people look upon the war as wholly unnecessary; and the continuous misfortunes of the army in Manchuria have increased the discontent. The people have learned that the treatment which the soldiers receive is most neglectful. Many of the wounded have lain for days upon the cold ground without medical treatment and the commonest kind of care, dying slowly in the most horrible agonies. The convalescent who are brought home were denied ordinary comforts, and their food was of such a scanty character as to give them a haggard and deathly appearance upon their arrival in Russia. These conditions have gradually leaked out and become known to the great masses of the people. Again, the people have been constantly pleaded with, and by various measures of oppression have been compelled to make large contributions to the war fund, while the Czar and the coterie of royal family surrounding him have practically done nothing. They have given up none of their pleasures for the benefit of the sick and wounded. ' The meeting of this congress of zemstvos enlarged the spirit of discontent throughout the empire. Working men in the cities were compelled to serve eleven hours a day in the factories owned in part, or altogether, by the government. They were dissatisfied with the conditions of labor, and felt the heavy hand of war resting upon them. On the 21st of January, as previously noted in these columns, a delegation called upon Prince Mirsky and informed him of their intention of marching, as a body, to the Winter Palace of the Czar in order that they might lay before him a petition containing their grievances. The prince warned them that they would not be received, and they were urged to desist from their proposed dem-

378 IMPROVEMENT ERA. onstration; but on the following day, Sunday, 22nd, some 12,500 working men, among whom were politicians and agitators, assembled in the famous Nevsky Prospect, and began their march under the leadership of Father Gapon, a priest, who was in full sympathy with the laboring classes. The petition which they would present to the Czar, the Little Father, asked, "(1) For equal political rights for all classes; (2) for freedom from search by the police; (3) for freedom of speech and religious belief; (4) for a determination by representative vote of the question whether or not the war with Japan should be stopped." In this procession men took along with them their wives and children. They were met before they reached the palace by the soldiers, and ordered to disperse. Upon their failure to obey the command, a volley of blank cartridges was fired. The second order was given, and a refusal to make hasty compliance with it, resulted in a volley of bullets that wounded and killed many men, women, and children. There has always been a semi-savage disposition on the part of Cossack soldiers to act hastily and cruelly upon all opponents, so that the punishment they are receiving at the present time at the hands of the Japanese in Manchuria is richly merited. As body guards, however, to the Czar, these Cossacks have little sympathy with the masses of the people, and would fire as quickly upon them as upon a foreign foe. During the day, crowds of onlookers, drawn into the street out of a spirit of curiosity, were fired upon and killed. It is estimated that large numbers of the people were either killed or wounded during the massacre on that fatal Sunday. The generally accepted explanation is that the Czar and his advisers determined by these drastic measures to strike such terror into the hearts of the people that they would desist from further demonstrations, but in this they were disappointed. Strikers left factories and carried on hostile demonstrations throughout the empire; and what must be more alarming to the Czar and his uncles is the manner in which the leading citizens of the empire outside of the autocracy, favor some measure of governmental reform. Petitions come in from the municipal authorities of the leading cities, so that the movement has assumed an almost uni-