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The Locarno Treaties

Improvement Era, vol. 29, no. 3, January 1926, pp. 274 to 276

Sjodahl, J. M.

THE LOCARNO TREATIES What They Mean to the Peace of the World By J. M. Sjodahl The first day of December, 1925, may properly be considered the beginning of a new epoch in the history of international politics. For on that day the representatives of Great Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Italy, Poland and Czechoslovakia signed the treaties formu- lated at the little city of Locarno in Switzerland, and published on October 20. By these treaties, Germany, France and Belgium agreed to accept the boundary lines as defined by the peace congress at Ver- sailles, and never to violate each other's territory; also to submit all international disputes, not adjustable by common diplomatic methods, to the Council of the League of Nations. Great Britain agreed, in case of military aggression on the part of any of the signatory powers, to join the attacked country against aggressor. Similar agreements were made by Germany with Poland and Czechoslovakia. And Germany agreed to enter the League of Nations, on the understanding that foreign troops would be withdrawn immediately from German soil. This means in the first place that peace has at last been established between the late billigerents of Europe. The German Chancellor, Herr Luther, in his impressive speech in the Reichstag, November 23, made thia clear when he said: "France, Belgium, Italy, and Great Britain formerly proposed a united front opposed to Germany. Now all five nations constitute a common community, bound by treaty which is founded on complete equality. Thus a security pact aimed against Germany, which was under serious consideration by these other four powers last year, definitely has been disposed of." In the second place, by these treaties France has obtained the "security," which was promised by the representatives of the United States and Great Britain at Versailles' — a promise which was not redeemed. There is, therefore, no longer any necessity for the main- tenance of ruinous military organizations in France. Disarmament can be considered in the new light of peace and good will that has burst upon Europe in hopeful hope-inspiring effulgence. Further, these treaties have proved that the League of Nations is a force for peace in the world. For the Locarno treaties are in the last instance an amplification of the covenant of the League. The League may, perhaps, be a "dead issue" as far as some of the statesmen of the world can see. But it lives, and grows in importance, and may yet prove an important paragraph in God's own preface to

THE LOCARNO TREATY 275 the history of the Millennial reign of the Prince of Peace on earth — his own earth. Finally, those treaties signalize the beginning of something new in international politics. The world has had alliances and ententesv ostensibly entered into for the maintenance of peace but by means of armies and navies, guns and bayonets, devastation and murder. Such alliances have always ended in war and the enslavement of nations under the oppression of despotisms; wherefore the great father of our Republic, in his Farewell Address warned the people against entering into "permanent alliances" (not "entangling") with one country against another. For he knew that such military alliances always would spell disaster. At Locarno, alliances, or associations of nations were formed for the maintenance of peace by means — not of war — but of laws, just laws, and impartial courts. This is new, at least in modern history. If the Locarno treaties are upheld and widened, so as to embrace all the civilized world, the time is not far away, when we can rid the world of the curse of military conscription, which became a necessary evil under the blood-and-iron rule of the last century, and turn our attention to production instead of destruction. So hopeful of great results are some of the clear-seeing watchmen in Europe, that Maximilan Harden, on October 17, 1925, quoted Goethe's words: "A new epoch of history begins here today, and you can say you saw its birth;" and then he adds: "The treaties framed there (at Locarno) , may become the framework of an economic United States of Europe." Yes, who knows? At present it is instructive to note how the cause of peace has grown the last few years, nothwithstanding opposition. In 1907, at the Hague, the idea of an international court was met by solid antagonism. In 1919, at Versailles, the different paragraphs in the pact of the League of Nations had to be worded so carefully that the governments which were not yet converted, could by a little juristry evade the covenant entered into. In 1920, not one of the greater powers was willing to submit unconditionally to the decision of an international court. In 1922, it appeared that paragraph 16 in the pact of the League was a dead letter. In 1923, 18 countries accepted the proposition on mutual assistance. In 1924, at Geneva, 47 countries, through their representatives, expressed themselves in favor of the Protocol that provided for mutual defense against aggressors, and France among other countries ratified that wonderful instrument for peace. In 1925, the Protocol, though set aside by Great Britain, was resurrected on a somewhat limited scale, and it has now made, it possible for the world to disarm and to keep peace on the basis of law and court proceedings. Whence this great and sudden turn in the international politics in Europe?

2 76 IMPROVEMENT ERA It is the work of the Lord. Jesus, the Prince of Peace, lives and rules with inscrutable wisdom and unlimited power. The final victory is sure. It may be well to record here the names of those who affixed their names to the treaties in London, in the foreign office, December 1, 1925. They were: Great Britain, Austen Chamberlain and Stanley Baldwin; Germany, Chancellor Luther and Gustav Stresemann; Belgium, Emile Vandervelde; France, Aristide Briand; Italy, Victorio Schialoia; Poland, Count Skrzynske; Czechoslovakia, Eduard Benes. Only the nations signatory to the Locarno pact attended the signing, but Alanson B. Houghton, United States ambassador to Germany, it was thought, might appropriately have had a seat beside Lord d'Abernon, as they had greatly influenced the German government in the negotiations which made possible the adoption of the Dawes plan, the first real step toward peace between Germany and France. There was an empty chair for Russia, and M. Briand expressed the hope that Russia might soon decide to enter the League of Nations and speed Europe in the restoration of moral economic and political conditions. Be Game '1 here may be some who think that life is wrong When old Misfortune comes across their way, For whom the sunlight comes not with the dawn, Who's skies become dense, black, or common gray. But such is not the lesson life would teach To him who would observe, while time rocks on, That he can just a little higher reach And find the things that tend to make him strong. That bird, though trapped and prisoned in a cage, Can stand right up and feel disposed to sing, Instead of cursing fate in sullen rage, Doth teach us all to bear misfortune's sting. Thus, when a funeral march is played And the funeral bells have chimed, They can pay no greater tribute Than to say — •"He never whined." So friend, if you don't measure In riches great, or fame, You can show the world a treasure By simply being game. Salt Lake City CHARLES D. GOLD