Political Samoa

POLITICAL SAMOA. BY WM. 0. LEE, SAMOAN MISSIONARY.

That the natives alone are responsible for the recent factional wars and present disturbed conditions on the Samoan group we are not willing to concede. In our opinion national jealousies and mercinary motives among the foreign population have had something to do with nearly all, if not all, of the uprisings of late years. While it is true that the Samoans are cursed with idleness, and

have nothing to do for the greater part of the time but eat the tropical food that grows almost spontaneously, drink kava, and quarrel over which itu or aiga — district or family — entitled to is

furnish the king over all Samoa, yet, left to themselves, the natives have a comparatively good form of government. They are a nation of orators, receiving their training in the village /owos — councils in which the chiefs indulge in flights of oratory, bringing to their aid legends, of which they have an inexhaustible supply, and apt comparisons in a way that is surprising to the foreigner, who has been falsely taught to look upon these brown-skinned Polynesians as but little above the cannibals. In family life they are under patriarchal rule, showing a wonderful amount of respect to their matai —that is, head chief of a group of families. Juniors respect their seniors, and children are obedient to their parents. Under normal conditions they are exceedingly polite to each other, and they almost smother the foreigner with eflfusive words of welcome. If you want to know

how it feels to be treated like a king, go to Samoa and partake of the natives' hospitality in some remote part of the islands where the white man's selfishness has not contaminated them.

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Their careful observance on all occasions of the rights and privileges of the different grades of chiefs, alii, faipule, tulafale^ etc., would make a free and easy American stare with wonder.

Each family has its head chief, who decides all family matters; each village has its chief, who presides over the village council,composed of all the minor chiefs and tulafales lawyers or— talking men — and this common court determines all matters concerning the village, tries petty offenders, puts a faasa-taboo on cocoanuts, taro, pigs, chickens, etc., that none shall be eaten or sold in time of scarcity, until they are plentiful again, a custom^ by the way, which we are pleased to acknowledge is a valuable lesson in economy. Each village, or, if too small, each district of small villages, — and each large one, chooses its own faipule representative^to sit in the malo or government at Mulinuu or Upolu; and thus the

native government is made up, all parts of the islands being represented and freedom of speech everywhere apparent. We will not weary our readers by an attempt to clear up the misty past of Samoan tradition from which the present claimants to the kingship derive their claims to the throne. However, in order to properly understand present conditions on the islands, a brief explanation of past affairs is necessary. It is said that the line of native kings represented by the late

Malieatoa have descended from the warrior who led the Samoans in their successful efforts in driving those mis-called Friendly Islanders back to their home in the south. For his heroism the first Malieatoa was acknowledged as king. Since that time rival claimants to that honor have sprung up from various political districts on the islands, and thus we have Tui-Manuu, Tamasese and Mataafa in addition to the Malieatoa family, each with its followers, and all claiming for their particular leader the right to rule. Add to these complications the rival commercial interests of Germany, Great Britain and the United States, with their intrigues for place and power, and you will have some idea of the political mess that Samoa is now in. The Samoans have always been friendly toward the Americans. In the year 1872 the natives requested President Grant to send

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them as general advisor Col. A. B. Steinberger, of New York, who had previously visited the islands. His efforts to establish a better government were soon disturbed by national jealousies, and after a year's labor he was forcibly deported in an English warship. In 1879 the land-locked harbor of Pago Pago, the safest and one of the most beautiful in all the Pacific, was ceeded to the United States. The Germans in 1888, on the slightest provocation, deposed the native king, Malieatoa Laupepa, and exiled him to the Cameroons, off the coast of Africa, placing Tamasese in his stead. Then came the heroic struggle of Mataafa, a high chief of the Malieatoa family, against the Germans and their native government. It is said that during this civil war the Americans S3mipathised and secretly aided the Mataafa party. At any rate things were getting pretty warm in Apia harbor, with three German cruisers in sympathy with and sustaining Tamasese and his government, while in the same harbor were also three American warships, whose officers and men were watching with jealous eyes the encroachment of Germany on what should have been neutral territory. Who can tell what might have happened had it not been for the terrific hurricane of March, 1889, which destroyed the American flagship Trenton, the Vandalia, and beached the Nipsic? The German gunboats Eber, Adler and Olga shared the same fate as the above vessels, while the British Caliope alone, having stronger engines, escaped almost unhurt by steaming out to sea. After the hurricane, came what is called the Berlin Treaty, resulting in a great moderation in Germany's policy. She brought back Malieatoa and retired Tamasese. The German consul, who, like the present one, had been running things with a high hand, was recalled and punished for his aggressiveness, and Samoa received a better consulate. The Berlin Treaty provided for a more stable form of government. The natives were to pay a one dollar per capita tax for revenue purposes. A foreign chief justice was to decide the much disputed land titles and give proper deeds to all the land on the islands. The municipality of Apia was to have its town council elected from among the foreign residents, with a German presiding officer appointed, who would also act as the king's advisor.

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This much desired but not to be envied position has been a bone of contention among the foreign element. Railings and accusations innumerable have been hurled at the German incumbents from the beginning, one of the first and most radical opponents of the

Germans being no less than the much lamented novelist, Robert Louis Stevenson, who took up his abode on Samoa and wrote a series of articles to the London papers against German aggressiveness and misrule on the islands. The Berlin Treaty was lacking in at least one essential point,, viz. the treaty powers, Germany, England, and the United States, :

made laws and regulations for the native government, but failed to reserve the right to enforce them. . The result was that King Malieatoa found himself reinstated on the Samoan throne — a in native house —backed up morally by the three treaty powers, but when the natives refused to pay the per capita tax, and th& majority did refuse, he was powerless to enforce its collection.

Then, strange as it may seem, Mataafa, he who had fought so valiantly for the return of Malieatoa, set up a rival kingdom, and many natives joined him. This -condition continued for a few years, with threatenings and rumors of war, until at last the twO' parties fought. Mataafa was defeated, and with a number of his chiefs were banished to Jaliut until the death of Malieatoa, when they were permitted to return to Samoa. Then began the present trouble with our American Chief Justice, W. L. Chambers, trying to solve that most delicate and difficult problem of who was entitled to be king of Samoa. Mataafa^ Tamasese or Maleatoa Tanu, the adopted son of Malieatoa Laupepa. The rights of each claimant were testified to by native high chiefs from all parts of the islands. Attorneys (white men) long residents on the islands argued for and against each claim, and yet the decision had no sooner been rendered than the defeated party, like "To your arms Samoans! What have we to da ancient Israel said: with the son of Malieatoa?" In this as in all previous troubles on Samoa you will note the United States and British consuls pitted against the German, with the latter stepping beyond his bounds in his over anxiety to promote the welfare of German interests on the islands.

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That the Samoans should not be satisfied with the decision of a foreign judge as to whom should be their king must have been a foregone conclusion with all foreigners who have lived among them and are familiar with their peculiar traits of character. For while they are a very simple, affectionate, and above all a most hospitable people, yet Ephraim could not have been more proud and independent than are the Samoans. It is peculiar to note of what importance they consider themselves. This trait was illustrated by one chief, after the close of the war with the Germans over the deportation of Malieatoa, in which some German marines were slain, while ashore, by the natives; he said: "I hardly know whether

we could whip America or not, but we can whip Germany." Think of it, a little nation of from 30,000 to 35,000 souls! Yet Samoa is all the world to them, and unless some more humane policy is adopted they will keep on fighting until like their neighbors, the Hawaiians, and their North American cousins, the Indians, they are wasted away. The history of the latest outbreak among the natives has been pretty thoroughly illustrated in current literature, so we will but briefly summarize it in this article. Immediately after Chief Justice Chambers decided the kingship question in favor of Malieatoa Tanu, Mataafa and his party began to prepare for war. It is estimated that the former had some 2,000 warriors in and around Apia, while the latter had 5,000. On the approach of hostilities the foreign residents gathered at the London Mission House and those who preferred greater safety went on board H. M. S. Porpoise. Then came the clash between the two native parties which occurred inside the town of Apia and some foreigners found themselves between two fires, but none were hurt, but some stray bullets struck their houses and a few picture frames were broken. The Mataafa party were easily victorious, and after a day and a half of skirmishing, during which some twenty natives were killed, the kingship question had been reversed by force of arms; and, to make the best of a bad casej the three consuls acknowledged Mataafa's party a temporary provisional government, until such time as they could hear from their home governments.

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Then came the coUp de main of the Germans. The Chief Justice had gone on board the Porpoise for safety. Dr. Raffel, presi-

dent of the council, had been appointed executive officer of the provisional government, and one of his first acts was to declare the supreme court of Samoa closed. He took the stand that as the government (Malieatoa's) which the court had established was overthrown by violence, so was the court. The German consul took the same view, while the English and American consuls denounced the act as an outrage and the matter ended by Captain Sturdee of H. M. S. Porpoise— after due notice that the supreme court would be opened, by force necessary—landing a company of English blue if

jackets and escorting Chief Justice Chambers, the British and

United States Consuls to the court house, where they were met by Dr. Raffel and Mr. Rose, the late German consul. A wordy war between the foreigners followed, the court house doors were opened with a sledge hammer, and the American chief justice once more took his seat and opened court against the protest of the German consul and the frantic cry of Dr. Raffel, that ** I am the supreme court." What a blessing there were no German or American men-of-war in Apia harbor during this disturbance! We can now settle the matter with statesmen who, although somewhat fiery at times, yet are not nearly so apt to explode and scatter death and destruction on all sides, as war ships are. The assistance of foreigners thus far does not seem to have done the Samoans very much good. Most of them have an ax to grind, and the poor natives turn the grindstone first for one and then for the other, gradually but surely wasting their strength. The latest philanthropic (?) scheme of the powers as voiced by the London Times and other leading papers, is to take the poor Samoan and cut him in three pieces: Let Germany have Upolu, because of her large plantations on that island; give the largest island, Savaii, to England, and let the United States have Tutuila, where we already have Pago Pago harbor. If this comes to a test which of the three mothers will say: Do not cut the child in three, I will relinquish my claim, let the child live? The result of such a division of the spoils would mean that the natives on Savaii would fare the same as other natives do in