The Hawaiian Islands and Annexation

THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS AND ANNEXA- TION. BY PROF. BENJAMIN CLUFF, JR., PRESIDENT OF THE BRIGHAM YOUNG ACADEMY, PROVO, UTAH.

In response to a request from Senator Frank J. Cannon, I San Francisco January 26, 1898, for the Sandwich left

Islands. Mr. Cannon desired to be informed in relation to the attitude of the Hawaiian people toward the subject of an- nexation to the United States. My mission therefore was among the Kanakas. Going to these Islands was, to me, like going home; for I had spent five years of my boyhood and three and one-half years of my maturer life among the natives; had learned their language, learned to eat their food, and had, in fact, come to look upon them as friends and neighbors. I felt, as I

imagine one would feel who, having been brought up among rural surroundings, returns to the old homestead after an ab- sence of eighteen or twenty years of life in the city. Laie seems more like home to me than any place in Utah. I reached Honolulu on the night of February 1st, and

the next day began my investigations, which continued until March 6th, when I boarded the steamship China for San Francisco. Perhaps three-fourths of the Hawaiian people, or nearly that number, are primarily opposed to annexation. The other one-fourth, which in my judgment represents about one-half of what would be called the intelligent, thinking peo- ple are primarily in favor of annexation to the United States. Upon inquiry, I discovered that the main reason for opposi-

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tion to annexation is a desire for the restoration of the mon- archy; in other words, the natives desire that change which will bring back their queen. Almost all of the women are Royalists, a fact which might easily have been guessed. Briefly stated, the Royalists' arguments areas follows: From time immemorial the natives have possessed the land and their chiefs have ruled over the people. Since the time of Kamehameha I. the Islands have been united under one ruler, until the so-called revolution of 1893 replaced the monarchy by a provisional government, which in turn was re- placed by a republic. This revolution was not a revolution in fact. The people in power now could not have possessed themselves of the government, had they not been assisted by the American marines from the warship Boston then in the Honolulu harbor. The queen's forces were in possession of the government buildings, had guns and ammunition, and could easily have subdued the rebellion; but just at the criti- cal time, the American soldiers were landed, brought close to the royal palace, and equipped in every way for active ser- vice. It was reported about town that these soldiers would

support the revolutionary party at all hazards; and the queen's forces, knowing the utter uselessness of fighting against the United States, surrendered and decided to appeal to Washington for redress. That appeal is still being made, and should the authorities at Washington refuse to reinstate the queen, the appeal will be made to England; and should England refuse, to Germany, or to Russia, or both; and so on until all the nations of the earth have been appealed to, or the queen has been restored. Among the less informed people, and among some who might be classed as intelligent men, the belief is quite com- mon that in case of annexation the natives would be driven to the mountains, and be treated like the Indians of the west, or rather as they have heard the Indians are treated; that their lands would be taken from them and their property con- fiscated; that they would be ostracized from society; and that there would be a great rush of tramps and beggars such as infest large cities like San Francisco. Some even think they would be enslaved like the negroes of the South.

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On the other hand, the annexationists assert that the Islands were never wholly under the rule of a Kanaka king; that Kamehameha I., never could have conquored the other chiefs but for the assistance he received from the white men, John Young and Isaac Davis, who with their brass cannon belching fire terrified and put to flight the king's enemies, and that from the time of Kamehameha I. down to the reign of the present queen, the whites have always played an import- ant part in the affairs of the government. They assert, further, that there had been, during several successive reigns, so marked a degeneracy in the ability, intelligence, and moral- ity of the kings that in the time of Kalakaua there would have been an overthrow of the kingdom had not that monarch signed a constitution which virtually made him a figurehead in the government and placed the reins of power in the hands of responsible men. As early as 1855 the merchants and missionaries had al- most despaired of any orderly or Christian-like conduct among the rulers. Despite good counsel and good instructions, each one became a worse spendthrift and a greater debauchee than his predecessor. The fourth Kamehameha was known by all as a sot and a murderer. Kalakaua illegally sold lands and franchises, using the money therefrom in gambling and drinking; illegally caused an opium license law to be passed, then sold a monopoly of the drug to a Chinese merchant for leaving the ^75,000, and again to a syndicate for $80,000, first buyer, who had already paid his money, destitute. This popular uprising in 1887, which nearly over- scandal led to a turned his throne. It was at this juncture that the king was

forced to sign the new constitution. At the death of Kalakaua, his sister, Lililuokalani became "the policy of the queen queen. A contemporary states that between the tolerance left her civilized subjects no alternative

of crime and her overthrow. From the outset she paid little element in the heed to her reform ministers, of the better society about her. Instead, privy council, or of the white the sentiments of a Tahitian she was guided in the main by known to controversial debates about blacksmith, since Lililuokalani's private life, as Paramour Wilson; and who as

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marshal of the kingdom, had a high official place at court." Subsequent events proved that the queen was determined to make herself queen in power as well as in name, and her first step was to secure the election of an obsequious legislature, one that would do her bidding. This done, she had a lottery bill passed, by which at least a million dollars could be made;

for about this time the Louisiana lottery had been driven from New Orleans and was ready to seek another place, and no place in the world was better suited for their work than Honolulu. It was definitely known from the first that the

queen inclined to return to heathenism, and had around her, like the chiefs of ancient Hawaii, Kahunas, who would per- form idolatrous worship. But that which immediately brought on the revolt of the white people was a determina- tion on the part of the queen to promulgate a new constitu- tion which disfranchised all white people except those who were married to native women; and one, therefore, which would give the queen almost absolute power, especially over the taxes and revenues of the country, and so place the property owners at the mercy of her unqueenly avarice. When the new constitution was brought for the signa- tures of her cabinet officers they refused to a man to attach their names. They had been on the streets, and had learned from unmistakable sources the consequences that would fol- low the promulgation of such a law. They advised the queen to desist, but she replied: "Gentlemen, I do not wish to hear any more advice, I intend to promulgate this constitu- tion and to do it now." The advice of her officers prevailed, however, for the time being, and she reluctantly consented to postpone her contemplated action. In the meantime, the whites, having now lost all hope of peace and order under native rule, determined to take the government into their own hands. A committee of safety was appointed which called a mass meeting to consider steps for the abrogation of the monarchy. The call set forth the claim that the queen's action was revolutionary, for she had solemnly pledged herself, on taking the throne, to support the constitution; that this oath had been broken when she endeavored to promulgate another constitution. The action

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of the whites was, therefore, a counter-revolution. At the mass meeting, which was held the next day, the action of the whites was open and above board, and known to the govern- ment officials. If they felt confident of putting down the re- bellion they surely would have made arrests at the time of the conspiracy. Marshal Wilson, it is said, did indeed pro- pose to arrest them, but he was easily dissuaded. At this time nothing had been said about landing marines, or appeal- ing to the United States minister for assistance. It is well known that America holds by far the greatest interests in — Hawaii interests exceeding those of all other nations com- bined, including the Hawaiian nation itself, and the bulk, or about ninety per cent, of the whole trade is with the United States. was but natural, therefore, as matters took on a more It

serious aspect, that the American residents of Honolulu should appeal to Minister Stevens for protection of life and property, and should request that United States marines be brought on shore as a precaution against violence. Minister Stevens was very careful, however, to do nothing or say nothing that would lead any one on either side to expect aid in the revolution that seemed brewing. He did, however, that which was his duty to do; he assured the residents that their property and their lives should be protected. The following order was issued by G. C. Wiltse, under instructions from Mr. Stevens:

"U. S. S. Boston (second rate.) Honolulu, (Hawaiian Islands), January 16, 1893 — Lieutenant Commander W. T. Swinburne, United States Navy, Executive Office, U. S. S. Boston. Sir: You will take command of the battalion and land in Honolulu for the purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the lives and prop- erty of American citizens and to assist in preserving public order. Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, and no ac- tion taken that is not fully warranted by the condition of affairs and by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty rights of American citizens. You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of any change in the situation. Very respectfully, G. C. Wiltse, Captain U. S. Navy, commanding U. S. S. Boston."

On the 17th of January the revolutionary party assem-

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bled near the government building, having under their con- trol nearly one thousand well armed men, and there promul- gated the decree abrogating the monarchy and establishing a provisional government. Not a gun was fired. The queen and her troops had possession of the palace and grounds; they were well armed, and if they had not been afraid, would surely have done something at that time. It is true the

United States marines were on shore, but not one of them pointed a gun, or threatened to point a gun; and it was pretty well known, at least to the revolutionary party, that no assist- ance could be expected from them. The whites further assert that the claim made by the Royalists that the Americans intimidated them, and thus in- directly, if not directly, aided in the revolution, and that had it not been for the marines they could easily have put down

— the rebellion, was an after-thought resort< d to when they saw the political weight such a stand would have with the United States and its people. This in brief is a statement of the two s'des, as I gathered the facts from the natives and whites. It is proper to state that President Cleveland in the beginning of his administra- tion sent a commissioner, a Mr. Blunt of Georgia, to investi- gate the affair, and that on the strength of his report, he or- dered Mr Willi?, who had bern appointed minister, in place of Mr. Stevens, to restore the queen, on certain conditions, amo g. which was the pardon of all who had taken part in her overthrow. In answer to Mr. Willis's questions as to whether or not she would pardon the revolutionists, she replied, so it is stated: "No! There arelaws in my kingdom to deal with thesemen and they should be dealt with and executed according to law," or words to that effect. This astonishing answer was too much for Mr. Willis, and a revenue cutter, in waiting, was sent im- mediately to San Francisco, where dispatches were forwarded to the President, informing him of the queen's stand. In the meantime congress had asked for all information concerning the Islands, and the matter was referred to the senate. It is proper to say also that the little republic was not to give up its life without a struggle. Neither was it to be cowed or

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frightened by the presence of Uncle Sam's warships. It had guns and ammunition, a number of men, many of whom had fought to put down the rebellion in the United States, and were still connected with the Grand Army of the Republic. They were willing now to defend the little Island republic. Mr. Cleveland, therefore, found restoration to be no easy thing. I must confess that, feeling as I do towards the natives,

having lived with them so long, having partaken of their hos- pitality, having labored with them, I was inclined m) self to think that it would be far better if some compromise could be effected by which the queen might be restored under certain limitations acceptable to the interests of all parties. Such a compromise, thought I, would surely be acceptable to the whites; for my readers must understated that they own nearly seventy-five per cent of all the wealth and pay nearly seventy- five per cent of all of the taxes, and, therefore, their inter- ests are proportionately large. Further, quite a large per- centage of the whites are native born, and Hawaii is as much their home as America is ours. But I was not long on the Islands and had not talked widely with the people, especially the Royalists, when I saw the impossibility of restoration. In reality the government has been run for a great number of years on just such a com- promise as I had in view. Abrogation of the monarchy had been advised by some even in the time of Lunalilo and thereafter at different periods. But the missionary element was very loth to consent to any change so long as the rulers were not wholly antagonistic to the material interests of the kingdom. Hence in the time of Kalakaua a compromise was effected by which he was per- mitted to keep the throne, but was given little power to do injury to the interests of the Islands. But when it was im- possible to endure any longer the policies and mistakes of the rulers, the rulers were removed and the republic established.

I do not say that the natives have been properly treated in this overthrow. Perhaps the government has done as well as it could and is now doing as well toward them as it can, but I do not think that in their present mood they will permit it to do much.

Chiefly responsible for this condition of affairs is the Roy- alistpress which incessantly poisons the minds of the people towards the government and towards every policy that the government pursues, including annexation. This press does not argue, does not discuss, it only asserts. It appeals to race prejudices; it works upon the imagination and upon the fears of the people; and in that way it is their greatest enemy, for they would do more for themselves if they understood the situation. The petition they sent to congress is a specimen of their blunderings. Over 21,000 names are on the petition. In some cases, I was reliably informed, one person would sign as many as one hundred, and even one hundred and fifty names, and then another person would sign the names of all whom he could think of, and thus many duplicates appear. The names of children two years of age are signed in a bold, masculine hand, and I was told that children not yet born, but ex- pected soon, had their intended names signed. This, how- ever,may not be true. Investigations regarding this petition have been carried on in congress, and I find that the state- ment made to me regarding it are borne out by facts. Each page of the petition is certified to before a notary public by the presidents of the patriotic societies. Thus their cause has been greatly weakened, as it is continually weakened, by exaggerated statements and false representations. My labors began at Laie, where I engaged two natives, one favorable to annexation, the other to restoration, to ac- company me around the Island. At our meeting Feb. 6, which was attended by two hundred or three hundred people, I first explained my mission, then invited the natives to speak and asked them to express their views and wishes freely. Moses Nakuaau was the first speaker. He favored immediate an- nexation, giving as his reasons that "this government needs the protection of a stronger power. The queen cannot be re- stored because she has proven her unfitness to rule. Peace cannot come, therefore, nor prosperity, except through annex- ation. " He was followed by Keanu Nainoa, George Kekauoha, and others, leaders in the Royalists societies. They ex- pressed the feelings of the great majority in attendance, on

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opposing annexation, on the grounds that they desired the queen restored to her throne. "The United States," they said, "has been instrumental in the overthrow and it should be instrumental in the restoration of the queen." In answer to the question, "What will you do in case the United States does not restore the queen?" they replied, "We will petition England for restoration." "Suppose England will not aid you?" "We will then petition other powers." "Suppose after you have petitioned all other powers, you are still refused, would you prefer the present govern- ment or would you prefer annexation to the United States?" To this, the speakers could not answer until they had con- sulted their leaders in Honolulu. But a young man, Kekuku by name, spoke for himself and not for the society of which he was a member. Said he, "I want primarily the restora- tion of the queen; but if this should be impossible, if the queen cannot be restored, then I think it would be better for the Hawaiian people to have the Islands annexed to the United States." His sentiments, I believe, were shared by a majority of those present. It was quite proper for Nainoa and Kekauoha

and the leaders not to answer the question because their answers might be interpreted as an official expression from the societies. It was proper, however, for Kekuku and other lay members to express their opinions, which they did. One man whose name I have forgotten, and who, evidently, was a con- stant reader of the Royalist press, made the startling an- nouncement that in his opinion, should the Islands be an- nexed the natives would have to flee to the United States, as there would be no protection for them on the Islands. He was surprised when informed that by annexation, the Islands would become a part of the United States and thus afford the same protection as would be found in Washington or any of the states of the union. After returning to Honolulu and laboring there for some time, I sailed to Maui in company with Moses Nakuaau, and

from there, after a few days, to Hilo, Hawaii. On Maui we visited Lahaina, Wailuku, and Paia. At

one of our meetings attended by about thirty Hawaiians, it was the unanimous expression of the house, first, that they desired restoration of the monarchy; second, if monarchy could not be restored, they desired annexation to the United States. In Wailuku, I met an intelligent man who preferred the present form of government to annexation. From this island we sent nearly one hundred names attached to a peti- tion to Mr. Cannon favoring annexation. We probably ob- tained the names of two-thirds of the annexationists living at the places in which we labored. The others could not be ob- tained, principally because the people were absent. Some favoring annexation would not sign, stating they had already sent their names to Honolulu. From the town of Hilo, Hawaii, my native friend ob- tained fifty names of intelligent persons desiring annexation. I had instructed him to go only among those who would be classed as intelligent people, as the names of others, for or against, would have little or no bearing. He reported twenty others whom he either did not see or who were unwilling to sign, principally for family reasons. The women are much stronger Royalists than the men, in all parts of the Islands; and while some men secretly favor annexation, realizing that it would be best for their people, they dare not openly make

the assertion for fear of a family row. Two or three who were seen at home in the evening requested Mr Nakuaau to call at their places of work the next day and they would sign, as their wives were opposed to annexation. The leading Royalists whom I visited in Hilo were John Brown, Henry West, and John T. Baker, all well educated half-whites. Do not attach any particular significance to the fact that these are half-whites, for among the Hawaiian peo- ple, the child is what the mother is. If the mother is a great

chief and the father not, the child is a great chief; but the child whose mother is of the lower caste, and whose father may be of the higher, is considered of the lower caste. A half-white, where the mother is a Hawaiian, is as much a Hawaiian as the mother, in the estimation of the people. I consider Mr. John T. Baker the most intelligent Royal-

ist I met outside of Honolulu. His language is almost clas-

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sic, and I spent a very pleasant evening with him and his family. He favors the restoration of monarchy. Kalakaua was a friend to him, helped him in his times of poverty, and leased him a large tract of land at a low rental, from which he now derives a considerable income. He could not, there- fore, he says, take any stand antagonistic to Kalakaua's sister, or, using his own words, "Should I oppose the queen, the spirit of Kalakaua might look down upon me disapprovingly." He said further, if some one had come among the natives just after the overthrow of the monarchy and had explained matters to them as was now being done, the attitude of the people would be different. "But," said he, "the government startled us, then wholly disregarded us, pushing us away, and now it is hard for them to do anything with us. When you beat a wild mule over the head (I use his own figure) it is hard to tame him afterwards." His wife was governess of Hawaii under Kalakaua, and he governor under Lililuo- kalani. Mr. Brown and Henry West were together when I met them, laboring for the government at $3 00 per day building a pier in Hilo harbor. They both favor restoration, and to my question as to whether or not they would prefer annex- ation to the present government, should restoration be im- possible, they would give no answer. Realizing that it would be impossible to maintain peace throughout the Is- lands without some protection even after restoration, they ex- pressed themselves to the effect that they would favor annex- ation after the monarchy had been restored. "Let the re- quest come from the native people to the United States," said they, "and all will favor annexation." They think that the duty of the United States, since through its influence it is

the queen was overthrown, to restore her again. Summing up, therefore, to the best of my judgment I should say that at least one half of what might be called the intelligent, thinking natives favor annexation uncondition- ally; and that the other half together with the great bulk of the people that usually- follow leaders, favor the restoration of monarchy. But, should it be known that monarchy can- not be restored, the great majority, both of those who are

now Royalist leaders and those who are their followers, will favor annexation in preference to the present form of govern- ment. I am further of the opinion that if the truth could be

explained to the people by someone in whom they would have confidence, three-fourths of the intelligent people together with others who would follow them would primarily want an- nexation. Let me add that the Hawaiian people are not low and degraded as some anti-annexationists would have us believe. I met but one person on the Islands that could not read and

write. They have had compulsory education there for years, and almost every one is versed in reading, writing, arithmetic, geography and history. They are especially well acquainted with the history of their own Islands, and with an outline, at least, of the history of the United States, still, like the peoples of other nations, the few lead and the many follow. Neither are they naturally a lazy people. They do not like work, but one usually dislikes that which one is unaccustomed to. For generations they have lived in comparative ease, the earth producing nearly all the neces- sities of life.They are, therefore, unaccustomed to daily toil. Under new conditions, with proper instructions and care on the part of their leaders they will soon, in my opinion, become an industrious people. Much has been said about leprosy. Twenty years ago itwas a common thing to see a leper; today it is uncommon. During all my travels, and I was particularly watchful, I never saw a case. There are lepers on the Leper Island, but they are banished, and cared for by the government. I think,

therefore, that leprosy is doomed, and that by another gen- eration it will be as rare as among us. The question has also been asked me, if I thought the present government could endure should annexation be re- fused. Unhesitatingly, I say yes, but not without trouble. I believe that there will be revolutions and bloodshed, up- risings and discontent, and property will be unsafe in a very few years if the Islands are not annexed. Through it all the government may have power to endure, but it will necessar- ily have to pass through these trials before contending fac-

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tions will have confidence in it. It may never be very stable, and the interests of the United States, and the commercial importance of the Islands to the United States are such that it is only a matter of time when they will be annexed, if they are not annexed during the present session of congress. — There is one more question, however that concerning Did the United States illegally the legality of the revolution. interfere, or did they not? To this, I will let others who un- derstand the situation better than I, answer. But in my opinion the overthrow of the monarchy sometime or other was as inevitable as the dawn of a new century. Wherever the Anglo-Saxon blood comes in contact with the blood of in- ferior peoples, it rules; and in Hawaii was repeated in a mild and peaceful way the evolutionary steps that took place in America. The white man came and he conquored the Ind- ians. He purchased their lands from them, crowding them farther into the wilderness. Time and again they took deci- sive stands to stem his onward march, and time and again they were beaten farther back, for this march was destiny. So in the Sandwich Islands, from the time John Young assist- ed Kamehameha in conquering the Islands, the rule of the Hawaiian people was doomed, and every decade since then has brought its end nearer. The revolution that overthrew the queen was more a step in the grand evolution of events than it was a revolution, not perhaps the final step, but an important one. Had it not come in 1893 it might have come in 1894, or later, but come it would.