Through War-Stricken Cuba

THROUGH WAR-STRICKEN CUBA. BY WM. H. KING, UTAH'S REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS.

For nearly a century the Cuban question has been one of transcendent interest to the American people, and the events now transpiring in the island of Cuba render the question still more important. The proximity of the island to our shores and the fact that it guards the entrance to the gulf which washes several of our great states, making it a citadel which, in the hands of an unfriendly power, would constitute ^ menace to the peace and safety of our republic, requires that we shall regard it with a jealous eye. It is also of great commercial importance to America. Prior to the present war our trade with Cuba amounted to more than $100,000,000 per annum. American capital exceeding $50,000,000 had been invested in the island and nearly 2,000 Americans were there engaged in profitable pursuits. For years we have felt that there was so much mutuality, such a strong relationship existing between our republic and this magnificent island that we have had an abiding interest almost amounting to a pro- perty right. Besides, the enjoyment of liberty given by our form of government has necessarily compelled us to look with disfavor upon the effort of European countries to force their monarchical systems upon the peoples of the new world; and every effort for emancipation has received responsive sym- pathy from all true Americans. For these and other reasons Cuba has been jealously watched by American statesmen. The threads of its life have been so woven in the woof and warp of our national affairs as to make it almost a part of us. I do not mean by this that it should be a part of United

States; but the "balance of power" so important to Euro-

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pean countries, and of such paramount importance in their in- ternational affairs, is of no less importance to us, though we may give it the name of the "Monroe doctrine." Our coun- try watched with anxiety the course of France and Spain with respect to lands now incorporated in the United States, and we cannot now regard with unconcern the sanguinary strug- gle which has devastated the most beautiful island of the sea- The bloodshed, the sorrows, the horrors and starvation at our very door cannot be treated with indifference. They have a reflex action upon us here. Spain's treatment of Cuba has always been ungenerous and tyrranical. She has exploited for the enrichment of monarchs and nobles. From the time when Valesques landed upon its shores and mercilessly butch- ered the gentle aborigines until the present, the Spanish re- cord has been one of brigandage, tyrrany and carnage. Hat- uey, who had seen the atrocities of Spain in her American, conquests, was offered liberty if he would profess belief in Spanish Christianity. While the faggots were blazing around hirrt he inquired if Spaniards were in heaven, and upon being

answered afBrmatively he replied that he preferred being in hell. The cruel exactions of Spain have led to repeated re- 'volts upon the part of Cuba. Insurrections and revolutionary movements came almost with the regularity of the years. So unbearable had become the wrongs that in 1868, the Cubans entered upon a sanguinary contest known as the Ten Years' War. At last peace was obtained but only a peace which was the prelude to a terrific storm. No permanent peace can exist in this age when the ab- solutism of governmental forms of past ages are attempted to be perpetuated, and fastened upon the people; and three years ago the flame of war leaped from the smoldering embe rs the standard of revolt was raised, and war for Cuba Libre was begun. Jose Marti, Gomez, Maceo and other valorous men •organized the heterogeneous force and heroically met the mighty army that the proud empire of Spain had transported across the mighty deep. Though poorly equipped and with- out discipline, the Insurgents met and' even vanquished the armies of Spain. More than 200,000 troops have been brought

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from Spain to overcome the small band of Cubans, who so invincibly contended during those dark days for their freedom. Convoy has succeeded convoy, and brigades have followed brigades in defeat and extermination, and still the revolution is unchecked. The American people have viewed this un- equal contest with increasing interest. Our peace has been disturbed, our commerce destroyed, the lives of American citizens have been taken, until there has been an almost uni- versal demand that this sacrifice of human life shall cease, this wanton destruction of property end, and permanent peace be brought to this unhappy and distracted island. Resolutions passed in both houses of congress during Mr. Cleveland's administration according belligerent rights to the Insurgents, and during this session of congress the Cuban question has continually been presented and as often disre- garded. The conflicting reports as to the condition of the island and a desire to learn of the character of the combat- ants engaged in the struggle led me to visit Cuba during the holiday recess. The action of the Democratic Caucus in de- claring that belligerent rights should be accorded the insur- gents gave an additional reason for desiring to ascertain the condition there, because I was not satisfied that such was the wisest course to be pursued. I reached Havana a few days after Christmas, and re-

mained in Cuba for nearly three weeks. During my sojourn I visited four of the six provinces and made as complete an examination of the situation as I was able within that period. Every facility for investigation was afforded me. I met Gen- eral Blanco, Dr. Congosto, Duke Montoro, the leading royal- ists, separatists, Insurgents, governors of provinces, alcaldes, as well as other people in all stations and walks of life. I had conferences with General Blanco and all the leading govern- . ment officials, the generals in the Spanish army and many important leaders in the Insurgent forces. I visited the

Spanish troops, crossed the Spanish lines and mingled with the Insurgents; went into the huts of the reconcentradoes, and into the palaces oi the wealthy Spaniards, and the lowly homes of the once rich Cubans. At the beginning of the war Cuba's population was about

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1,000,000; and of this number 250,000 were Spaniards. About thirty-three per cent was composed of negroes, and most of the remainder were Cubans. The Spaniards were the store-keepers and commercial men, while the Cubans owned most of the farms and plantations. They also held the large possessions in the cities and towns. The provinces I visited, claimed four-fifths of the population, and of this

about 600,000 resided upon farms and plantations and in small villages. The soil is productive in the highest degree. Cuba is a paradise and has the natural resources, fertility and soil to sustain millions of people. Notwithstanding the exploitations of Spain and the system of government which has plundered the island, its wealth aggregated nearly one billion dollars. Many of her people were progressive, cul- tured and imbued with the ideas received from the schools and universities of the United States. With her majestic harbors, with her great resources, and with marvelous pro- ductiveness, Cuba should be an empire in wealth and pop- ulation; but I found a barren waste, a vast charnal house, a stupendous grave yard. Ruin and desolation, starvation and death, greeted me upon every hand. In the four pro- vinces which Weyler said were pacified, I found armies, forts, and arsenals; more than fifty thousand Spanish soldiers, dis- cord, insecurity of life and property, starvation, burning fields, aggressive, militant Insurgents and all the evidences of a deadly struggle, the end of which could not be seen. Gen- eral Blanco and the autonomists assured me that within a few weeks they would be established in authority, and Sagasta's scheme of autonomy firmly implanted in the affections of these people. They declared that in every city it was gain- ing adherents and that by peaceful means this revolution would end in Spanish supremacy. But everywhere I found an implacable hatred of Spain and an invincible purpose to continue the struggle until Cuba's freedom had been achieved. There is no pacification in Cuba. Spain holds only that part of Cuba where her forts and soldiers are found. Where these do not exist the Insurgents are in complete control. The country has been depopulated, for all the people who

were not ki*.led have been driven into the cities and towns> I have traveled for hundreds of miles over the most fertile

land upon the globe with not a house in sight, nor a human being to be seen except the Insurgent troops in small bands, with everywhere evidences of houses destroyed, plantations dismantled and farms laid waste. When Gen. Weyler was in control he issued orders for the rural population within the provinces of Pinar del Rio, Havana, Matanzas and Santa Clara to gather into the cities and towns. With a mighty army he swept these provinces, burned the homes and property of the Cubans, butchered and assassinated thousands, and drove more than half a million into the already over- crowded cities and towns. I visited more than a hundred of these places into which

the people like cattle had been driven. Trochas had been, constructed around the cities and towns, and small forts en- circled them. Most of these poor creatures had been de- prived of all their possessions and when this cruel order was enforced, found themselves without food or clothing, herded within the trochas and lines of forts. Thousands had no shelter and none had food. The Spanish troops guarded vigilantly each place inta which the people had been driven, and prevented them from Icparting to search for food or to seek for employment; and on there, subjected to the inclemencies of the weather, lying the bare ground or under some temporary shelter erected from palm leaves, without food or clothing, they died by thousands and tens of thousands. It was the most inhuman, cruel, barbarous act chronicled within the century. More than half a million people purposely driven from their homes, their property ruthlessly destroyed, and after being so con- centrated, left to starvation. This is Spanish warfare! In Havana I walked through many of the streets and into the suburbs. I saw thousands dying of starvation. In one street not more than two hundred yards in length I counted fifty- three persons sitting or lying upon the cold, damp stones, many too weak to walk and all gaunt and emaciated. Most of them had suffered so much from lack of food that if proper care could have been given them it would have been impossible to

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have saved their lives. I saw mothers dead, with puny, starv- ing children clinging to their sides. In one yard several hundred persons were congregated. They had been so long deprived of food that they listlessly looked at their observers; while among them several died, and the next day when I re- turned I was informed that more than twenty had died dur- ing the night. In the streets, on the doorsteps, under the very shadow of the church, upon the very steps of palaces, upon the wharf of the beautiful harbor, under the guns of Moro Castle, could be seen strong men dead and dying from starvation; mothers young yet old, with starving children tugging at their ragged skirts. Sorrow and distress, starva- tion and death, now met me at every corner and haunted my footsteps at every turn. The heavy cart drawn by oxen passed along the streets and stopped in front of the wretched huts. The dark-visaged skeletons, from which life had passed in the darkness of the night, were seized and placed thereon, and the carts trundled off to the trenches into which the bodies were flung. The order of concentration was issued about a year ago, and from that time until the present those against whom it was directed have been going to early graves. Gen. Blanco admitted to me that several hundred thousand reconcentrados have met death from starvation. Governor Brazon of the Havana province told me that one-third of the inhabitants of that province had starved to death. The last two days of my sojourn in the island were spent in the city of Havana. My investigations led me to place the number at 30,000 in that city alone, who were lack- ing food and clothing, and who would die within sixty days if rescue were not afforded. In the early hour of a cold morning I went into the church to hear mass. The Spanish soldiers in martial array took their station before the gorge- ously-ornamented altar, and while the priest chanted and the royal march was played, I counted nearly a hundred ragged, dark-eyed, sorrowful boys and girls between the ages of eight and fifteen to eighteen, who looked on with reverential air. As I left the church I saw a beautiful boy whose black locks were pressed against the rocky walls surrounding the church. He

had died a victim to Weyler's warfare while the royal march was being played. In the town of Guines more than one-half of the popula- tion had died from starvation, and daily the officers told me starvation claimed its victims. The governor of Matanzas told me that he was relieving the suffering of the people, and yet when I left his palace I found two persons lying dead upon its steps; and in the evening as I was returning to the

hotel, after having visited the Alcade, I saw fourteen women

and children lying upon the cold steps of the governor's palace. They had no homes, no clothes and no food. My landlord told me the next morning that a great many had been found dead at an early hour. The ex-alcade stated that more than 40,000 had died from starvation in six months in the province of Matanzas. I visited during the day a large, open building which

some kind-hearted people had prepared as best they could for the reception of some of the unfortunate ones. There I found several hundred wretched crea- tures lying shivering upon the damp dirt floor.

There were no blankets to cover them and no mattresses upon which to lie. There were a few pounds of rice to feed several hundred people. The kind-hearted woman who was giving her time, sorrowfully told me that most of those who came survived but a few days. She could get no food nor clothing for them. As she spoke to me a little babe that had around its wasted form a ragged cotton dress, moaned pite- ously, and when we approached it, we saw death had claimed it. I hastened away from this most terrible scene, and as I

reached the square I saw the body of a man who had been dead, I was told, for eight or ten hours. There was no one to give him food in life, there was no one to give him burial in death. In several of the places visited, efforts were being made by the Cubans to care for the reconcentrados, but all were so impoverished that their limited means precluded much aid. I have seen hundreds standing in the streets waiting to have distributed to them a few table-spoonfulls of rice or beans, and while they were waiting, the rude lumbering-cart was

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called to haul to the grave some poor child or sorrowing mother who had died while waiting for a mouthful to eat. Governor Garcia of Santa Clara province stated to me that more than seventy thousand had met starvation within that province since July, 1897. The Alcade of Santa Clara showed me the mortuary tables of the city, evidencing that the death rate for the month of December had been several times greater than it had been for the years 1895 and 1896. In the little town of Cruzes the military commander who was a Spanish officer stated that sixty per cent of the reconcentrados in that place had died, twelve had met death during the night, and I witnessed the sad sight of their funeral cortege. There were no mourners because fathers and mothers and re- latives were either with the Insurgents or had preceded them to the graveyard. At this point I desire to add that the only Spanish official that I met who was doing anything for the alleviation of the starving, dying people was the com- mander at Cruzes. By this I do not mean that there is no aid afforded the suffering Cubans by the Spanish authorities, but the evidences of it are someager they can scarcely be discovered. Gen. Blanco stated to me that it was his purpose to expend $100,- 000 to relieve the sufferings of the people; but this sum would hardly aid the starving ones for a single day. I believe that

during the year 1897 the deaths from starvation in the four provinces named exceeded 300,000, and my observations jus- tify the assertion that at least 200,000 are in need of food and clothing. Many of this number are in a starving condition, and hundreds are dying daily from want and exposure. The mayor of Sagua la Grande wished me to state that there are more than 5,000 people in that little city who would die of starvation within ninety days if relief is not afforded.A few pounds of beans and rice were being given to some of the most needy when I was there, but the committee informed me that within a week their resources would be exhausted. 1 asked the Spanish general Ruberto as well as the priest

what they were doing to prevent the fearful suffering. They shrugged their shoulders and stated that it was not their con- cern. I found but three priests out of the multitude of eccle-

siastics who were interesting themselves in behalf of the peo- ple. Most of them are Spanish and have no sympathy with the Cubans. They are cold and selfish. The merciful spirit of Christianity has not entered their hearts. It is evident that the purpose of General Weyler was to destroy the Cuban people by starvation. One Spanish gen- eral declared to me that such a policy was justifiable, that only by their destruction could the seeds of revolution be de- stroyed. And so it was deliberately determined to concen- trate the people within fortified places and prohibit departure therefrom. Into towns containing two or three thousand people would be driven four or five thousand more persons, the inevitable result being the death of the reconcentra- dos, and great suffering, as well as death, of many of the residents of the city or town. Lack of space forbids further allusion to the fearful suf- ferings of the reconcentrados. The scenes are so harrowing that the facts seem incredible to the American people. Un- less the war shall soon cease, or unless this nation shall un- dertake to provide for them, several hundred thousand Cubans will soon meet the fate which has overtaken so many. Spain isunable if she had the will, to care for them. While Blanco has modified somewhat the rigorous policy of his predecessor, the change has not been sufficient to afford any substantial relief. Business is at a standstill and there is no employ- ment for those who still survive. Impediments are offered and restrictions imposed, which prevent men from returning to their plantations and farms; and even if permission were granted the owners could accomplish but little, with their houses and improvements destroyed, and without cattle or horses or agricultural implements or food or clothing. The occupation of the land would be possession of a wilderness without any means for its subjugation. The people are still herded within the fortifications. Oc- casionallysome person owning a large plantation near a city and who has some little property remaining obtains permis- sion from the Spanish authorities to build forts around his property. This being done, they are garrisoned with Span- sh troops at his expense and then only is he permitted to re-

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side upon or attempt to care for his estate. As .before stated, Spain's dominion exists only where forts are found and troops stationed. The railroads that are operating are guarded con- stantly. Small forts line each side and every station is a for- tified citadel. Soldiers guard every train and armored cars filled with soldiers precede each mail and passenger train.

Spain's sixty thousand troops are occupied in garrisoning the forts and guarding the railroads. The Insurgents hover around the cities and towns and fortifications, harrassing the Spanish troops and occasionally besieging some fort or town. Several of the small villages that I visited had been entered a few days before my arrival by the Insurgents, who had carried away merchandise and food from stores which they had entered. Occasionally they destroy a railroad bridge or capture a convoy laden with supplies, but their de- sign is to keep the Spanish troops occupied in the forts, thus preventing their mobilization and the execution of a vigorous military campaign. This policy compels Spain to maintain a la-rge army at an enormous expense. In the two eastern provinces, there is some semblance of war. These provinces, though, are in the possession of the Insurgents. There they have their civil government, and, except in threa or four cities, their dominion is unchallenged. I met several Insur-

gents and one of Blanco's emissaries who had been sent to bribe President Maso, who had just come from those provin- ces, and they stated that the Cuban Republic was fully or- ganized and each division of the government was being prop- erly administered. There were about 25,000 well armed In- surgent troops in these two provinces, and in the provinces which I visited the Cuban army numbered about 10,000 more. These troops move in small bodies, directed by officers, who in turn are governed by the general of the province. Lack of food supplies as well as of a commissary department prevents them from moving in large bodies. It is more or less of a guer- rilla warfare. The Spanish troops make no extended marches. Occasionally a few hundred will be consolidated and then will march along the line of the railroad from one city to an- other. The Spanish officers are indolent and as a rule in- capable of directing a campaign. They spend their time in

the cafes and theaters. The soldiers are not drilled, and they lack discipline. I was impressed, though, with the courage and devotion of the Spanish soldiers. Most of them are boys. They are poorly fed, badly clothed, and Spain is nearly a year in arrears in paying them. Thousands of them are in the hospitals and the mortality from fever and other diseases is something frightful. There is more than eigh- teen thousand Spanish soldiers in hospitals and fifteen hun- dred were being sent back to Spain each month. A brief pen picture of these four provinces I have men- tioned would show a country four hundred miles in length, by an average of fifty in width, desolated by fire and sword. Dotted over this desolate plain are cities nnd towns sur- rounded by forts, and between which are lines of small forts all garrisoned. Within the towns and cities are the only sur- vivers except the armed Insurgents who are constantly men- acing the Spanish soldiers who occupy the forts. The trades- men attempt to maintain their business, but ruin and finan- business enterprises. cial disaster is overtaking all The few who had property have sacrificed it. Property has no value, and penury and want follow all. The Cuban forces possess the country, plant sweet potatoes and try and sustain them- selves in the contest in which time by them is regarded as a potential factor. The Insurgents that I met were men of in- telligence and patriotism. Many had been educated in the United States and the universities of Europe. I saw brilliant

young men who had been reared in luxury, who for more than two years had followed the fortunes of the Cuban arms, daily encompassed by dangers, and suffering the most fearful privations. But I found them courageous, and not only hopeful but possessing an abiding faith in the ultimate tri- umph of their cause. I met a young doctor who had charge of the Insurgent hospitals in two of the provinces. He had visited seven thousand troops during the month of December. He assured me of the determination of all to continue the struggle for Cuban independence. So unselfish, and heroic were all whom Imet that I felt their cause could only end in a glorious victory. In Cienfregos I met a gentleman of wealth and education. His only son, disregarding the plead-

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ings of his father, left the refinements of a splendid home, and had followed from the beginning of the revolution the for- tunes of Cuba. He had met every privation and resisted every appeal to return, saying that until Cuba was free his life and services would be devoted to the achievement of her indepen- dence. Many of the Insurgents told me of the butchery of their families by the Spanish soldiers, and stated that with their homes burned and the blood of their wives and children unavenged they would fight on though the conflict continued for years. I asked Insurgent leaders as well as the soldiers whether

they would accept autonomy. There was but one answer. The Cuban people everywhere rejected it. Spain cannot conquer Cuba. Her arms have failed. Her resources are exhausted. The Cuban people will accept nothing but ab- solute independence. Some ostensibly favor autonomy, but out of the thousands with whom I came in contact, there were only ten who were willing to accept autonomy and allow the flag of Spain to float over Cuban soil. Men, women and children in their sorrow and anguish and distress will consent to no compromise. Autonomy is only a phantom. It pro- vides in every essential respect for the sovereignty of Spain. It does not grant local self-government to the Cubans. The Cuban patriots for three years have maintained the contest. They have a civil government, they have thirty thousand soldiers in the field; they are in undisputed possession of nearly one-half of the island and occupy the country districts in the remainder. They are struggling for independence, and the rights of free men. Hundreds of thousands of their numbers have been barbarously destroyed by Spanish cruelty, the death of many more will soon be compassed by a pro- longation of Spain's mode of warfare. Peace is not imminent. The Spanish residents of the island as well as the Cubans re- fuse to accept the last proposition which Spain offers, namely, autonomy. What, then, in view of these facts, should our govern- ment do? At least belligerent rights should be accorded to the Insurgents. But we should go further to prevent this crime against humanity; to prevent the destruction of an en-

tire people and the devastation of a glorious land; to protect our commerce and the property and the personal rights of our citizens; to remove this cloud that for nearly a century has menaced our peace; in short, for the preservation of our country's interest, the United States should interpose, bring to an immediate close the hostilities existing there and per- mit the Cuban people to adopt that form of government which they desire. It has been our national policy, an- nounced when the holy alliance sought to interfere in Cuba's future, that no nation other than Spain should possess that island, and now that it is apparent that Spain has forfeited right to her retention, and has proven herself unworthy to exercise sovereign power, the hand of this nation should be outstretched to uplift the down-trodden and give freedom to a people whose valor and patriotism entitle them to a station amongst the free nations of the earth.