England and Germany

ENGLAND AND GERMANY,

BY PROFESSOR JOSEPH M. TANNER, PRESIDENT OF AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE, LOGAN, UTAH.

Although Germany, as a continental power, has been from the earliest period of its history separate in its interests from England and is in such a position today that the questions which heretofore gave rise to national misunderstandings should have no place, yet it is nevertheless true that England regards Germany as a competitive rival whose commercial influence in the world is thought tobe a direct menace to England's future material progress. The results of the Franco-Prussian war were more than the acquisition of Alsace and Lorraine and a large war indemnity. The results were more then the prestige of German arms and the founding of a German empire. At the close of that war Germany enteied upon a new era of national prosperity and with a greater unity of purpose than has ever characterized the German people. Indeed their unity today and the fixed purpose which they have shown in view of their past dissensions is the marvel of the historian. Writers had come to believe it impossible to establish a united German empire because of the quarrels, the feuds, the jealousies, and the petty distinctions that have kept that race in constant turmoil. The unexpected, however, has happened. Almost half the agricultural classes have been called from the farm and placed in the workshop. This has been done without diminishing her products, and today Germany has become one of the foremost nations in her great manufactures.

At first many Englishmen were pleased at Germany's success. They were glad to see their rivals, the French, hu-

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miliated. It was a brilliant victory, snatched from a nation that had enjoyed a monopoly of brilliancy, and whose great generals had been the admiration of the world. England considered herself in a measure the hereditary rival of the French people. For centuries they had been in constant warfare, and this sudden defeat, humiliation and impoverishment of the French gave some degree of satisfaction to their English rivals. As a matter of fact England and France are better prepared to work in unison than any other two continental powers. Their competition was not of an important character and their energies were directed along different channels. The products of the French artisan were unlike those of the English. Each country developed its manufacturing interests along different lines, and there never has been any variance between these two nations in their material development, or if there has been any variance it has been of a minor character.

But this was not true of Germany. As soon as the Germans had founded their empire and secured their enormous war indemnity, they were in a position to enter upon a new era of manufacturing prosperity, and their line of work came in direct competition with the English, and that competition has become more and more merciless every year. The Germans have crowded their wares into markets hitherto exclusively controlled by the English. The products of the German factory and foundry were carried to those oriental countries from which England had so enormously enriched herself. And one of the most striking facts of this competition is that in the creation of wealth during the last twenty years, Germany has far surpassed England. When jealousy became manifest, it showed itself in frequent suggestions of compromise between Germany and France, English writers suggesting that for the sake of peace and harmony, Germany should release Alsace and Lorraine. Of course England has never surrendered any territory that her arms had conquered unless she was positively obliged to. She did not ask this from precedents in her own history, but from an assumed philantropic point of view. All these suggestions met ridicule in Germany. Later England began to represent Germany and France as in a constantly hostile attitude. Her great news-

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papers were crying "War, War," magnifying every French and German misunderstanding and apparently doing all in their power to precipitate war between these nations by feeding a spirit of revenge in France and creating a spirit of retaliation in Germany. In 1886 it appeared as though this effort would be successful. In 1887 Germany increased her armaments and her army by the famous Septinat law. Since then the dangers of war between France and Germany have grown constantly less.

It is difficult to estimate the influence which an apparently disinterested nation may exercise by means of her great newspapers in creating disputes and dissensions among other nations; but it is not too much to say that this systematic effort on the part of the English newspapers to engender misunderstanding and a spirit of contention between France and Germany was very potent in Germany and France. War has now become altogether improbable. France and Germany are fast approaching an era of mutual understanding and indifference, if not friendship, and it would appear that England in now manifesting her real purpose and that the Germans were not altogether wrong when they accused the English press of a fixed and determined purpose to involve Germany in war; and the readers of the English press will remember how these hostile speculations were carried on by English writers and how irritating and often exasperating they became in Germany. The English press now openly announces the real cause of its dislike of Germany, and of all countries in Europe today the feeling of hostility is greatest between the Germans and the English. It is not even so manifest between Germany and France, for the German is freer from insult in Paris than he is in London. It may be safely said that the Emperor would as soon think of making a visit to Paris as he would of making one to London. Indeed, it was known that during the visit of Prince Henry to London during the Queen's Jubilee, he was openly insulted in the streets of London during the time of the parade. Taunting remarks were made; men cried out among the populace "Why don't you send a telegram," referring to the telegram which his brother the Emperor had sent to Krueger congratulating him upon the

defeat of the English in the Jameson raid. In vain, it was said, Prince Henry pointed to his helmet, indicating that he was there the representative of his country, believing that his mission would exempt him from further taunts and insults.

Whether Germany and England will ever come to war at arms, may be an open question, but there is certainly a war of words going on between them. They are talking war; they are calculating its consequences, and it would almost seem as if England, in the desperate competition into which Germany has forced her, is bidding openly for hostility at arms. The Germans realize this. They are increasing their navy, doing all they can to promote the Triple Alliance, for it must be remembered that Austria is also a great competitor of England in her manufacturing industries. Italy finds her best support in this Triple Alliance, and it may be truly said that the influence of this alliance is making towards industrial freedom against the exclusive claims of England to the unlimited markets of the oriental world. England has been jealous of this alliance and has favored Italy in every possible way, hoping that Italians would withdraw. It was useless to hold out any inducements to Austria, and in any event there would always be a dual alliance.

The latest symptoms of English agitation against Germany has manifested itself in the encouragement which England is now giving to the recent alliance between Russia and France. Today the English openly proclaim that their war against Germany is for the commercial right to 200,000,000 pounds, a sum, it is estimated, that Germany and Austria have wrested from England in the markets of the orient. Germany has also been imitating England by establishing commercial guilds in Africa and in Asia, a colonial policy of commercial prudence that has enriched England for more than five centuries.

Excerpts from English and German papers clearly indicate the truth of what has been herein expressed, and I give these quotations that the reader may more fully appreciate the rivalry and the growing hostility between those countries.

The London Saturday Review has the following: "Bismarck has long since recognized what at length the

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people of England are beginning to understand, that England and Germany must come to blows over the right to levy from the whole world the tribute of commerce. England, with her long history of successful aggression and convinced that in pursuing her own interests • she is spreading light among nations dwelling in darkness, and Germany, with lesser will-force, but keener intelligence, competes in every corner of the globe. A million petty disputes build up the greatest cause of war the world has ever seen. If Germany were extinguished tomorrow, there is not an Englishman in the world who would not be the richer the day after tomorrow. Nations have fought for years over a city or a right of succession; must they not fight for ^200,000,000 of commerce? William the Witless is bringing the war closer, and England is the only country that could fight Germany without risk and without doubt of the issue. A few days, and the German ships would be at the bottom of the sea or in convey to English ports; Hamburg and Bremen, the Kiel Canal, and the Baltic ports would lie under the guns of England, waiting for the indemnity to be settled. All we would have to do then would be to say to France and Russia: "Seek some compensation. Take inside Germany whatever you like; you can have it." France and Russia certainly will not lift a hand to save Germany. The war is inevitable and England's best hope of prosperity. The presumption of the German Emperor has brought Germany to a pretty pass."

The Spectator says: "There has been an attempt on the part of the German Emperor to get up a coalition against England. It has failed but at the same time France and Russia have tried to use the incident to get some sort of assurance that England will not, when the great war comes, join the Triple Alliance. That is a maneuver natural enough under the circumstances. As far as Germany is concerned we see no sort of reason why England should refuse to give an assurance that we shall not side with her. The policy pursued toward us by Germany during the last few years forfeits all claim on her part to our consideration. We could not allow Italy to be partitioned or destroyed. Probably we might find means of protecting Italy without protecting the Triple Alliance. In

case of war we might offer Italy a complete and absolute guaranty if she would leave the Triple Alliance. If Italy refused to do that we must, of course, leave her to take her chance. But in all probability she would not show any obstinacy. The offer of immunity from the risks of war would probably be irresistible. Possibly, however, it will be said that Italy would be bound in honor to stand by Germany and Austria. We do not think that need be a serious difficulty."

The Cologne Gazette, "Kolnische Zeitung," a German paper, replies as follows: "The English themselves acknowledge that it is impossible for them to compete in the arts of peace with us and hope to be victorious. Hence their threats of war, their brutal untruths, their attacks upon the Emperor. These latter especially annoy the Germans, as such attacks are an insult to the whole nation. Englishmen evidently do not realize that William II. has his people at his back. The English will, however, find to their cost that nations, as well as individuals, must show some consideration to others. That Germany is more likely to have the support of the Triple Alliance in an Anglo-German struggle, goes without saying. But Germany does not depend upon this. She is used to fight her own battles, and with her own men. Since the time has passed away when the enemies of Germany could obtain German troops, Germany may look hopefully to the future, though she should refrain from underrating an enemy. England, however, will find it to her advantage to think twice ere she enters upon an Anglo-German campaign. In war, victory is never assured till after the battle, and England has not such a crushing superiority of men, guns and wealth that prosperity is as certain to follow a war against Germany as a petty expedition against naked savages."

One naturally asks the question, can a nation be constantly crying war and agitating hostile means, without involving herself in a contest at arms. England has an advantage today — her fleet is the most powerful in the world. Germany's wealth is growing, and her fleet consequently is growing, every day, and growing with proportionately greater rapidity than that of England. If there is to be such a war as some Englishmen seem to comtemplate, the sooner Eng-

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land and Germany come to arms, the better for England. Germany realizes this, and is more modest and more reserved in the agitation of this great question. The hostility is daily growing. German merchants in London, and there are many of them, and German clerks, bookkeepers and business men, fully appreciate this hostility, and are feeling every day in London and in other great cities of England more uncomfortable in consequence.

It must not be supposed that the Turkish question is the only great political problem in Europe or the one most menacing to its peace. If the newspapers of England reflect the sentiment of the English people or of the English government, one might very easily conclude that England is today openly bidding for a war with Germany. But in this matter the Germans will, no doubt, manifest some prudence; they did so in the late war with France. They expected that sooner or later Germany must come to war with France, but they waited till they were read}7. When they were fully prepared and France had gone so far in her hostility and in her domineering spirit that she could not retract without humiliation and disgrace, Germany forced France to accept war or back down from her hostile attitude — somethingiwhich the amoar propi-e of the French could not endure. England may be taking the same route. Whether or not she will carry her hostility as far as France did, or whether the results will be the same, is, of course, a matter of mere speculation.