--- title: Improvement Era description: Monthly periodical of the Mormon church, 1897 onward. This library holds the issues of November 1897 to December 1930. authors: - Thomas, Julian M. collections: - periodicals tags: - magazine - improvement-era periodical: Improvement Era volume: 20 number: 6 published: 1917-04 publisher: Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations publisher_place: Salt Lake City language: en type: magazine reference: 'Julian M. Thomas, "Civil Service: The Merit System," *Improvement Era* 20, no. 6 (April 1917): 536–542.' source: url: https://archive.org/details/improvementera2006unse transcription: Transcribed from the Internet Archive scan of each issue (the item for each issue is named in the issue's own source); unnumbered advertising leaves are omitted, printed page numbers are kept as page markers. identifier: improvementera2006unse start_page: 536 end_page: 542 rights: status: public-domain basis: US publication 1930 or earlier (published 1917-04) source: https://archive.org/details/improvementera2006unse publication_year: 1917 note: The Internet Archive item metadata carries a blanket "© Copyright by Intellectual Reserve, Inc." notice. The library owner judged it inapplicable because this issue was published in 1917, before 1931; a scan-level notice does not restore copyright. --- # Civil Service: The Merit System CIVIL SERVICE—THE MERIT SYSTEM 537 tions and also those provided in 1855 were what is called "pass examinations;" that is, they were open only to members of the party in power. They were not open to all, but one of the necessary qualifications for the passing of the examinations was that the applicant should be a member of the dominant party. Of course, even in their limited way they were useful so far as they were honestly and fairly given. Between 1872 and 1875 a Civil Service Commission was appointed by the President, but owing to the failure of Congress to make the necessary appropriations the required examinations were not given and it was only a small step forward. It was not until 1883 that the United States was given a law under which systematic examinations were authorized. The law was drafted by Dorman B. Eaton, and introduced in the Senate by Senator Pendleton. It is because of his support — of the measure that the bill which is the present Civil Service Law—has been called the Pendleton Bill. This law provided for a Civil Service Commission of three members, and for the establishment of a system of open competitive examinations, extending to a little less than 14,000 official places. Mr. Eaton was the first member of this civil service commission. The plan has been constantly expanded, until in June, 1915, out of approximately 500,000 persons, officers and employees in the civil service of the United States, approximately 300,000 hold their positions as a result of and subject to competitive examinations under the Civil Service Rules. During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1915, 167,164 persons were examined and 36,398 persons appointed to positions under these rules. Practically response to every president has extended the reform methods in Arthur signed the first strong public sentiment, since President Bill in 1883. Of Uncle Sam's payroll, which amounts in the Service to about $400,000,000 a year, about 61 per cent is Civil examinapaid to persons who have qualified under competitive tions. If we were to add to the Federal office holders, the numby the and counties and cities in the United ber employed states States, we would have, by a recent estimate, a total of about appointees and their annual salaries would 800,000 or 900,000 amount to probably $700,000,000. The states and cities have been more reluctant in the acceptance of this policy than the Federal Government. Up until only states which 1905, New York and Massachusetts were the had placed the competitive system in practice. The Massahas met with admirable results, not only in the chusetts law been on state but in the cities as well. The New York law has but unfortunately the commission the whole, very beneficial, and during has been made the tool of political parties at times, 538 IMPROVEMENT ERA those times its efficiency has deteriorated. The New York Constitutional convention of 1894 in approving the policy placed the following provision in the constitution of that state: "Appointments and promotions in the civil service of the state, and of all the civil divisions thereof, including cities and villages, ehall be made according to merit and fitness, to be ascertained, so far as practicable, by examinations which, so far as practicable, shall be competitive. (Const. Art V, Sec. 9). Since 1905 Wisconsin, Illinois, New Jersey, Colorado, Ohio, California, Connecticut and Kansas have passed laws introducing this system, many of them applying to the state and its civil divisions. It is to be noted that the policy of civil service reform has met with much popular favor all over the United States, the principal opposition to it being from adherents to the spoils system, the boss system, and the city-party system. Notable among the cities in which the merit system is used, are Boston, Buffalo, Chicago, Cleveland, Milwaukee, New York City, Kansas City and San Diego. I believe that I am safe in saying that there has not been one opportunity given to the people to decide on this system in which they have not declared overwhelmingly in its favor. Strictly speaking we mean by civil service, the departments of the public service that are neither military nor naval. The term has come to be applied also to the system under which examinations of different kinds are had for places in this service. I think that it is much better to apply to this system a term which I have used interchangably with it, the "merit system." The merit system is particularly a fit term, for the reason that all who obtain positions in the civil service of the country, either in the nation, or any civil division thereof, under this system, secure the positions by reason of superior merit for the place as shown by passing the proper examination. This term will distinguish those who have entered the public service through the merit system from those who enter through the spoils system. In this way we may distinguish a spoils officer from a merit officer, the one having received appointment be- — cause of political activity the other because of superior quality. I am not able to say definitely who is responsible for the spoils system. Some ascribe the "honor" to Andrew Jackson, and others to Senator Marcey, but whoever is responsible for it, or wherever it comes from, the merit system is its sworn enemy. This idea was clearly expressed by Geo. W. Curtis at the first meeting held by the National Civil Service Reform League, in 1881. He said: "We have laid our hands on the barbaric fallacy of patronage, and have begun to write on its wall, 'Mene, Mene.' " The CIVIL SERVICE—THE MERIT SYSTEM . 539 same idea was expressed by Webster in the Senate of the United States when he said, (1853) "The theory of our institution is : plain it is that Government is an agency of the people, and that : every person in office is the agent and servant of the people. Offices are created —not for the benefit of those who are to fill — them but for the public convenience." The spoils system is one of the transgressions of political parties which is their constant tendency. This tendency was foreseen by Washington, when he said in his farewell address : "Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in a most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally." In Salt Lake, we have decided that the national parties have no place in our local affairs. We regard our city government as a business or administrative problem and political parties have no place in business management. We have neither Republican, Democratic or other party way of handling our city affairs. We feel that there is no difference between Republican and Democratic book keeping or accounting. We think the time is passed when parties should prostitute our institutions for their own advantage. We realize that there must be a division of opinion and therefore a division of voters, but we can not allow national parties to usurp our constitutional system to their own advantage and the detriment of the city itself. Every city officer is apt to be a poor officer to the degree that he is a mere partisan, that he seeks to favor one political party or — to obstruct the workings of another. We wish to work for economic administration all through the state, we wish honest and capable public servants, a reduction of taxes to a minimum, with a maximum of efficiency; but there seems to be little hope of these wishes being realized so long as public officers are used to pay political debts or "to provide support at public cost, for friends or dependents of influential politicians." Referring again to Salt Lake City, therefore, where the people have already decided that national parties are not necessary to efficient management, it is obvious that party tests for municipal positions are ridiculous. No party is likely to favor a system which will allow its opponents to secure all the city offices, but it can hardly object to a system which gives a place to a person on a basis of merit and makes no discrimination whatever against politics of any kind. I am sure that the general prevailing opinion of fairminded persons in states and cities which have given the merit system a fair trial is expressed by Francis E. Leupp, in the Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 113, page 279. "I have been in a position to see the effects of the old reign of patronage and to contrast with it those of the merit system by close ob- 540 IMPROVEMENT ERA nervation, both from without and from within * * * it is past question that the machinery of the merit system has furnished * * * a higher average of general intelligence and alertness than the system of favor dispensation which preceded it." And also by a statement of Richard H. Dana, in Supplement to Good Government, January, 1916: "In this way (selection of fit persons for appointment) we save in the national civil service alone at least thirty millions a year over the spoils system as based upon calculations officially made. The business value of the reform has been proved by the proportionate savings in the state, municipal and county service wherever there is a law that has been properly enforced." Looked at from the standpoint of the employee, as well as from the standpoint of the public, the merit system is a system of fair play the public gets the best man available for the posi- : tion and the best man available gets the job. Under the spoils system not only was the job considered the spoils of the dominant party, but the public employees were compelled to contribute certain sums out of their salaries to the party funds. Under the merit system, public employees are prohibited under pain of expulsion from soliciting or contributing funds to any political party. Weall know, also, how public employees have been compelled to leave their offices and work for one or another candidate or party organization, and we do not have to search far to find examples of many men having been employed about election time, on one or another pretense. Then, after the election, they have been discharged. This padding of the public payrolls around election time, is by no means new. But all this is eliminated under the merit system. There is no "headsman's holiday" after each election, for when the plum tree is shaken it is found "that most of the fruit is screwed to the branches" and the screwdriver lost. Just a word about examinations. Many people believe in the merit system, but just the moment you mention the word examination to them, they shudder, for they have pictures of a policeman being compelled to pass a long written test in algebra and the history of the cliff dwellers. They are practical, and need not include any written tests at all. I have not much time to go into the different methods used now to test the training, experience, ability, and other qualifications of an applicant for a position, but to illustrate I will give one incident which occurred during the time that Theodore Roosevelt was Civil Service Commissioner. "A collector of customs in Texas, who used a corps of line riders * * * to prevent smuggling across the Mexican border, loudly stated his preference for the old CIVIL SERVICE—THE MERIT SYSTEM 541 fashioned cow-puncher who could handle the job, to ten college graduates, who could pass all the examinations, but could not bring down the law breakers they were after. It took his breath away when Commissioner Roosevelt * * * ordered an examination which would test a candidate's ability to ride, shoot on the gallop, read cattle brands, and speak enough Spanish for ordinary conversation." The tendency now is to make the tests of the practical sort, the candidates often not seeing each other. The same system is employed which would be used by the president of a railroad if he desired a competent man for a certain position of trust. There is another thing about the merit system which makes it appeal to young men, and women, and that is the chance of permanent employment during good behavior. There are many of our most capable young men who shun the public employment, because they see that even if they were fortunate enough to secure one of the lower positions, they would stand little or no chance for rising because all the higher positions are filled through political favoritism. They prefer a permanent place in private business, even with less salary, than a public place which is made speculative because of its political nature and in which progress beyond a certain point is practically impossible. One of the best things that could happen to the executives who have the appointing power is the institution of the merit system. Many times a man has made a hundred enemies because of the fact that he has appointed one man to a position. Executives should welcome the merit system as a means of ending the howl which rises all along the line of office seekers when an appointment is made, each applicant thinking that he is the one and only man who is entitled to the place. The more patronage a man has the more numerous his troubles. Had the slayer of President Garfield not felt that he had been unjustly denied an office the President would probably not have been stricken down in 6uch a way. At one time, President Lincoln was approached by a committee of New York politicians, who had come for the purpose of urging the appointment of a certain man. The chairman ventured the remark that there was the "Awful burden of the nation's fate weighing on the President." "Gentlemen," interrupted Mr. Lincoln, "it is not the fate of the nation that worries me just now; it is your pesky post office." On another occasion Lincoln wrote to a friend: "I wish that I had time to devote to the southern question. I think I know what is wanted, and believe I could do something towards quieting the rising discontent; but the office seekers demand all my time. I am like a man so busy letting rooms in one side of his house, — 542 IMPROVEMENT ERA that lie can not stop to put out a fire that is burning in the other." Washington, also, realized that offices were not to be given as political spoils. In one of his letters he said: "My friend I receive with cordial welcome. He is welcome to my house and welcome to my heart; but with all his good qualities he is not a man of business. His opponent with all his politics so hostile to me, is a man of business. My private feelings have nothing to do with the case. I am not George Washington, but Preasident of the United States. As George Washington, I would do this man any kindness in my power as President of the United States, I can do nothing." On another occasion he said: "In every nomination to office, I have endeavored so far as my own knowledge extended or information could be obtained, to make fitness and character my primary object." The merit system is fair to the public, by placing in the offices the best persons who will serve it for the salaries offered; it is fair to the applicant, for it places in the office the man who by his qualifications has the highest claim of right to the office, no matter what his politics or his religious views may be ; it is fair to the executive, for it leaves him the time for matters of policy and official duties which otherwise would be taken up in dealing out patronage; and it follows that any individual or sect or party which obstructs a claimant who is entitled to the office because of his fitness, to that extent obstructs "individual justice and the best interests of the public." A German Branch in Ohio Elder Charles 0. Hamilton, president of the Ohio conference, writes, February 25: "Elders Theodore Bleckert and H. G. Hinckley who are laboring in Dayton, Ohio, have organized a branch of German speaking people, about thirty in number, all of whom are unable to speak the English language. The elders are helping these good people in their Relief Society and Sunday School and the progress made is wonderful. The Era is a friend to both elders and Saints. Elder Bleckert, who speaks German, reads the Era to them in their meetings, and in the visits to their homes. Both elders and Saints wish to express their appreciation of" the magazine for its valuable stories and doctrines which it brings to the mission field. We are successful in placing it in the homes of our investigators also, and it is making friends for us each month. The elders laboring here are H. G. Hinckley, Salt Lake City; Charles 0. Hamilton, Sugar City, Idaho, conference president; Theodore Bleckert, Salt Lake City." . The Break with Germany—the Czar Dethroned By Joseph M. Tanner War and the Submarine The rupture in the diplomatic relations between the United States and Germany was the outgrowth of a new phase of warfare which the present European struggle has brought about. For the first time in history the si(bmarine has played a leading part. Its effectiveness is perhaps not equalled by any battleship known to modern warfare. There was no law that covered the new conditions of this new form of war. It must be governed by the old regulations which put the submarine at a great disadvantage. However, the United States insisted from the beginning on that legal interpretation which compelled the nations to follow the rule which had been laid down; namely, that the rules and regulations could not be changed during the conduct of the war; that although these regulations worked a hardship on the submarine, it was purely circumstantial that the Germans in the present case were put at a disadvantage. There is, however, a substantial reason for the restriction of submarine attacks. The reason is that which applied to the old form of buccaneering in . earlier days; that it was not a means of bringing about any decisive results, but simply a means of the useless destruction of human life and property. So obnoxious did that form of naval conduct become that the nations finally agreed to do away with it, and it is not unlikely that at some future time, when the nations are at peace, they will agree to abolish the submarine as an instrument of war for the same reason that buccaneering was abolished. The submarine is not wholly effective as an instrument of blockade; it is not wholly effective in the destruction of a nation's navy. It is, however, a means of great destruction to life and property without decisive results. Germany believed that an unrestricted submarine war could be the means of an effective blockade. But to date the argument and the facts are all against her. Her change of policy, however, led to a rupture with the not lead to United States, and it will be a miracle of good luck if it does fact that soon after war. The situation was aggravated furthermore by the that Germany was Ihe severance of diplomatic relations it was discovered p-eposing an alliance with Mexico which in turn was to bring Japan on the This right of alliance s>de of the central powers against the United States. that all the powers certainly could not be denied the Germans. It is a right rightful in its have exercised. The German proposition, however, though carried with it a sting in the nature of a proposition to give general aspects, Arizona. Perhaps Mexico, in the event of victory, Texas, New Mexico and with Mexico was the disthe most unfortunate denouement of the intrigue long time in Mexico in covery that German agents had been active for a creating hostility to the United States and in using Mexican territory as a base of operations unfavorable to this country. ., , to considerable The revelation of Germany's proposition to Mexico led feeling more proexcitement throughout the country, and to anti-German most astounding fact connected with this whole nounced than ever. The