--- title: Improvement Era description: Monthly periodical of the Mormon church, 1897 onward. This library holds the issues of November 1897 to December 1930. authors: - Joseph M. Tanner collections: - periodicals tags: - magazine - improvement-era periodical: Improvement Era volume: 19 number: 9 published: 1916-07 publisher: Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations publisher_place: Salt Lake City language: en type: magazine reference: 'Joseph M. Tanner, "What the Nations of Europe Are Fighting For," *Improvement Era* 19, no. 9 (July 1916): 816–819.' source: url: https://archive.org/details/improvementera1909unse transcription: Transcribed from the Internet Archive scan of each issue (the item for each issue is named in the issue's own source); unnumbered advertising leaves are omitted, printed page numbers are kept as page markers. identifier: improvementera1909unse start_page: 816 end_page: 819 rights: status: public-domain basis: US publication 1930 or earlier (published 1916-07) source: https://archive.org/details/improvementera1909unse publication_year: 1916 note: The Internet Archive item metadata carries a blanket "© Copyright by Intellectual Reserve, Inc." notice. The library owner judged it inapplicable because this issue was published in 1916, before 1931; a scan-level notice does not restore copyright. --- # What the Nations of Europe Are Fighting For What the Nations of Europe are Fighting for BY DR. JOSEPH M. TANNER What are the European nations really fighting for? That is a question often put by those who think the great conflict now on is something wholly unnecessary, without purpose, and with- out the promise of any ultimate good. There was never in all the history of the world so many and such deep-rooted causes for war as exist at the present time in Europe. When two farm- ers meet at the head of an irrigation ditch, quarrel about the water which each thinks it is his right and his turn to use, and they fight because of their trouble, that is very simple. Man's financial interests from the beginning of time have been potent causes of discontent and strife. The financial interests of the world have grown, in late years, with lighting rapidity, and the tension between the nations of the world, therefore, has be- come all the greater. The causes of the present war are compli- cated. They cover a period of more than forty years. They lepresent intrigue, unfair competition, national aspirations, jus- tice, and among all of them, the fundamental rights of humanity. In view of the fact that peace is sure to come, and that the differences that now cause war must be adjusted, it is important that intelligent people have the justice of their judgments con- form to the great results which a future treaty of peace will bring about. The position of the American people, as neutrals, requires that their opinions be impartial. That does not mean that they may not be pronounced on any single line of conduct by the great belligerents now at war. Forming judgments of a single act of conduct, and judgments upon complicated actions, are two very different things. What a man may think about a single act, and a whole series of complicated acts, are different things, or, at any rate, should be. Faults of this great war are not all on one side, and it is the purpose of this article and others which may follow, to set forth some of those international compli- cations that grew beyond pacific settlement and therefore had to be adjusted by force of arms. The war began in Serbia and was the inevitable result of the so-called Balkan trouble a trouble ; out of which statesmen often predicted war for many years. Let us be specific and take the case of Austria. The German element, and the Hungarian element, and the Austro-Hungarian empire, are in the minority, but they are more compact than the majority element, consisting of Rumanians, WHAT THE NATIONS ARE FIGHTING FOR 817 Italians and Slavs. It was, of course, the policy of Austria to see to it that no one of these elements became dangerously powerful m any concentrated part of the dual empire. The Slavs in Bo- hemia and the north side of the empire were out of touch with the Slavs in the south, along the Danube. The Rumanians, in the east in Transylvania could have little in common with their kindred,— the Italians in southwestern Austria. The only place where a strong, dangerous Slavic element could concentrate was in the south, under the leadership of some Balkan Slavic state that might become dangerously powerful. After the two Bal- kan wars were fought— the first between the Balkan allies and Turkey, and then between Bulgaria and the other Balkan allies, Austria became feverishly excited over the prospects of a power- ful Serbia, and over the fact that the great seaport of Salonica, which had been the political ambition of Austria, was taken by the Greeks. The new Serbia was not in itself a menace to Austria it was; too small. But the new Serbia in conjunction with the great Slavic masses who were Austrian subjects in Croatia, Slavonia, Bosnia, Hertzegovina, and Istria, might, in conjunction with some other nation, become sufficiently strong to resist Austria. Among this Slavic element there was unrest, discontent, and often rebellious attitude. Nor can we wonder at this. This Slavic element has never enjoyed even the most fun- damental rights of life, liberty and property. Austrian methods of government have encouraged strife among the people largely because of their religious differences. Some of these Slavs be- long to the Orthodox or Greek church, others belong to the Roman Catholic church. The Austrian government has encouraged re- ligious differences and discriminated herself against the orthodox classes. Take Bosnia as an example. There is in that country four times as much expended for its police system as is ex- pended for schools. The division of the population of the coun- try will show the injustice to which the people have long been subjected. In Bosnia there are eight hundred thousand Greek orthodox, five hundred thousand Roman. Catholics, and six hun- dred thousand Mohammedans or moslems. It will be seen that of Bosnia's two million people there is practically only one hundred thousand of all other classes. In the German parts there is one school for every seven hundred in the population among the Slavs ; there is only one school for every six thousand of population the ; offices are nearly all held by the Germans whose opportunities for education are liberal, while the Slavic element is kept in a state of unbearable ignorance. Nearly all the offices are held by Ger- mans and even where Bosnians themselves go to Vienna for a college training they are denied the opportunity of political em- ployment by the government, and the industries of that country 818 IMPROVEMENT ERA sre almost entirely in the hands of the Germans who naturally give preference to their own nationality. The result is that to ambitious and educated Bosnians the cloors of opportunity are closed, and discontent is rife. Such gross injustice makes the students of that nationality violent towards Austria. They are revolutionary in their agitations. The Austrians and those of the world who do not know them call them anarchists. Austria has given to the Bosnians a legislature called "Sa- bor," but all of the laws passed by this legislature may be vetoed by the Hungarian parliament, sitting at Budapest, or by the Aus- trian parliament, sitting at Vienna. This "Sabor" is more a source of aggravation than one of satisfaction to the people. Men are elected to it according to their religious beliefs. It is composed of one Jew, sixteen Catholics, twenty-four Moham- medans, and thirty-one Greek orthodox. While the law establish- ing the Sabor gives to the people certain political and economic rights, the law is saddled by one of those jokers which offers with one hand a privilege, or a right, that is snatched away by the other. This native legislature, or this Sabor, may be suspended, and all the rights and privileges accorded to it, taken away when in the judgment of the government at Vienna it is necessary for the safety of the empire. In that legislative body the people are punished for speeches that are not approved by the Austrian gov- ernment. Perhaps one of the greatest sources of revolutionary agita- tion is found in the treatment of the peasants or farmers. When the Turks captured the country they parcelled out the lands into districts ruled by a Turkish "bey" who was not unlike the feudal barons of medieval times. These beys were held more in re- straint by the Turkish government, at Constantinople, in the mat- ters of injustice to the peasants than they had been by the govern- ment at Vienna. The system was continued when the Austrians took over the military control of Bosnia. The people there had their large commons upon which thev enjoyed collective right to pasture their hogs and their cattle. These lands belonged to the people collectively. Austria, anxious to settle certain parts of the country by Germans, took these commons away from the peo- ple, and aided much thereby to destroy their livestock industry. It is true that Austria has built up the country, constructed beau- tiful public buildings, and brought much so-called civilized life to the country, but those are advantages that are not enjoyed as a rule by the people at large. They are advantages of a privileged class, and the result is that, from this and other circumstances, which will be related at another time, the people of the Balkans have been in a state of seething discontent. Haki Pasha when war was threatened between Italy and Turkey is said to have made the following prophetic declaration : "If Italy declares WHAT THE NATIONS ARE FIGHTING FOR 819 war on Turkey, the cannon will not cease to speak until all Europe is in a conflagration." . The reason was perhaps simple. The aspirations of the great powers in the Balkans were irreconcilable. For forty years the people of that country have been subject to all kinds of in- trigues carried on shamelessly for the supposed benefit of one or the other of all the great powers now at war. The Balkan ques- tion was one that international diplomacy was absolutely helpless to cope with. Peaceful means were inadequate; justice must sometimes prevail, and justice meant war. Good Spiritual Conditioh Elder Thomas M. Argyle, president of the Hull conference, Eng- land, April 20: "This part of the Lord's vineyard is in an excellent spiritual condition. At our April conference we were favored with the good companionship of President Hyrum M. Smith and Elder J. M. Sjodahl. Our attendance was fair considering the many obliga- tions the Saints have to meet, caused through the present-day mode of warafre. We rejoice to think God has preserved us, and take great joy in rendering unto him our heartfelt thanks and feel it our duty 10 depend upon him for our future safety. These are the elders labor- ing in the Hull conference, left to right, back row: Lorin Passey, Provo- Floyd W. Nielson, Bluff; Horace O. Hall, Hyrum; Peter M. Hixson, East Mill Creek; Joseph A. Godfrey, Clarkston; front row: Thomas E. Vance, Fairview; J. M. Sjodahl, Liverpool office; Hyrum Thomas M. Argyle, Woods M Smith President European Mission; Jorgensen, Cross, president of conference; Nils C. Union, Utah, sec- retary of conference.