---
title: Improvement Era
description: Monthly periodical of the Mormon church, 1897 onward. This library holds the issues of November 1897 to December 1930.
authors:
  - Hyde, William A.
collections:
  - periodicals
tags:
  - magazine
  - improvement-era
periodical: Improvement Era
volume: 15
number: 5
published: 1912-03
publisher: Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations
publisher_place: Salt Lake City
language: en
type: magazine
reference: 'Hyde, William A., "The Higher Law in Politics," *Improvement Era* 15, no. 5 (March 1912): 389–403.'
source:
  url: https://archive.org/details/improvementera1505unse
  transcription: Transcribed from the Internet Archive scan of each issue (the item for each issue is named in the issue's own source); unnumbered advertising leaves are omitted, printed page numbers are kept as page markers.
  identifier: improvementera1505unse
start_page: 389
end_page: 403
rights:
  status: public-domain
  basis: US publication 1930 or earlier (published 1912-03)
  source: https://archive.org/details/improvementera1505unse
  publication_year: 1912
  note: The Internet Archive item metadata carries a blanket "© Copyright by Intellectual Reserve, Inc." notice. The library owner judged it inapplicable because this issue was published in 1912, before 1931; a scan-level notice does not restore copyright.
---

# The Higher Law in Politics

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IMPROVEMENT ERA.
Vol. XV. MARCH, 1912 No. 5 The Higher Law in Politics BY WILLIAM A. HYDE, PRESIDENT OF THE POCATELLO STAKE OF ZION The subject for the young men of the Church in their last season'smanual, '"The Making of a Citizen," has suggested some thoughts as to the powers, privileges and duties of citizenship under the beneficent laws of our great country.
 The universality of law has been shown by this apt expression: "Its voice is the harmony of the universe, its fountain is the bosom of God." This being true would justify the assertion that all just and righteous laws, wherever and however, and by whomsoever formulated, are laws of God. This would lead to a final and last analysis of law, as being merely truth applied for the government of humanity. These generalities may be easily accepted by the "Mormon" people, for, though not expressed in just those words, these ideas with reference to law run through the entire fabric of their doctrines. Without a shock to our sense of reverence, we may even say that God himself is subject to law;
and that although he is the author of law, in the sense that he has
 —
applied truth to the conditions of men primal law is co-existent with him.
 John says, referring to the Savior "In the beginning was the
 :

Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. * * *
and the Word was made flesh and dwelt among us," and the Prophet Joseph Smith, in referring to this statement of John, says further: "Man was also in the beginning with God. Intelligence,
or the light of truth, was not created or made, neither indeed can be. All truth is independent in that sphere in which God has placed it, to act for itself, as all intelligence also, otherwise there is no existence." Doc. & Cov. 93 :2C)-30. Cod sent his Son, the

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340 IMPROVEMENT ERA embodiment of truth, to the world to be "the light of men," the doctrines that he laid down for the government of men are the expression and application of those truths — they are the highest ideal laws for the government of men, and in their essence are elemental. "'Sin is the transgression of the law," and "to him that knoweth to do good, and doeth it not, to him it is sin." To fail to do good, then, is to break the law. If we could only sense it, there really is no division of law into secular and religious or ecclesiastical. Such division as exists is mechanical merely, and the direct result of the fact that men are estranged from God.
Moses needed no such division, for his statutes were written by the finger of the Almighty. When Jefferson wrote these words
"We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal, and that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, thatamong these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," he repeated in new words the doctrine of free agency that inspired Michael's hosts to the victory over Lucifer upon the primeval battlefield; and this, the greatest of all laws shaped in the Heavens, is to be credited with the present freedom of humanity. The right of liberty is the right to apply truths, as men collectively see them, to the conditions of their lives, and these applications are the law of men, and whether simple, for the government of a tribe in their skins, or complex, for a nation with wonderful cities and mighty armies, they are, corresponding to their beneficent qualities, the near or remote expression of the divine will. That God should recognize and encourage these efforts of his children in the interpretation and application of truth, is further evidence that he abides the law, for notwithstanding the fact that in him lies the right of appeal, often exercised to the overturning of the corrupt and unrighteous of the nations of the earth, his word to the individual has been that he should abide the powers that be. The Latter-day Saints, in line with this attitude of the Lord toward the laws of men, have adopted this rule of conduct: "We believe in being subject to kings, presidents, rulers and magistrates, and in obeying, honoring and sustaining the law." —Articles of Faith. It is a short stretch of logic, therefore, to say, that in obeying officers and in honoring the law, we are obeying and honoring God. The means being in the hands of men to accomplish in an orderly way the reversal of bad laws, the Lord does not approve of rebellion, either to-

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THE HIGHER LAW IN POLITICS 341 ward laws or their administrators and the commandment, "good
 ;

men and wise men you should observe to uphold," does not carry with it the opposite, that bad men in office should be overthrown by revolution and anarchy.
 Thus, with temporary failures and reversals, men, from the beginning of order, have been pursuing an upward course, nearer and nearer to the perfect light. In the Grecian and Roman forums men discovered democracy —the sovereignty of the masses to harmonize those rights with the powers that vest in office,
has been a problem of the ages, for there has been no man born that has been fit for anything but the shackles of a slave that has not brought with him to earth the liberty granted to him in the Heavens. Time and time again there have been earthly conflicts, renew again the primeval victory; Marathon, Leuctra,
 to
 —
Runnymede, Yorktown these are echoes merely and the consequence of the primeval struggle. The immediate part that God has had in the evolution upward, has been the inspiration that has been revealed by his prophets; not the prophets only whose names have appeared within the lids of the scriptures, but the heralds of light from whatever source. He has wrought upon men until they have broken through the shell of custom and precedent, hardened into the tyranny and oppression either of men or of ignorance, and the epochs of law have been those of the adaptation of men to truths which their newly acquired intelligence has permitted them to see and use. The higher forms of law are the more dangerous, for they permit the most liberty, and liberty is a two-edged sword that cuts both ways. When humanity gets to the point where liberty may in all ways be safely intrusted to them, they will have arrived at the place when they will be fit subjects of the highest forms of intelligence.
 Governments recognize in their codes what is termed the
"common law," and this common law is not limited in operation to one government, but is international thus the common law
 ;

of the United States finds its basis in the unwritten laws of England ; unwritten, because they are so self evident as to need no formal statute. If traced to its earthly beginning, common law as recognized by enlightened nations would go back in one form or another, through the various avenues of history, until lost in the mazes of tradition, but it will be found to be in all ages the survival of the truth, added to here and there, gaining in strength

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342 IMPROVEMENT Kit A and volume as peoples gain in experience, and fitting itself to the needs of man in his evolution. There has been some argument over the proposition that Christianity is a part of the common law. It is more consistent to take the stand that common law is a part of true Christianity, or, rather, a part of the gospel of Jesus Christ. From the standpoint of the Latter-day Saints, this thought is by the statement of the Lord in a revelation to his justified modern prophet "And that law of the land which is constitutional,
 :

supporting that -principle of freedom in maintaining rights and privileges, belongs to all mankind, and is justifiable before me."
Doc. & Cov. 98 15. This would indicate that in the dealings of God with his children there are principles of justice and righteousness common to all men, irrespective of race, creed or color, in fact, God's common law. One author has said that "the unwritten or common law, as distinguished from the written or statute law,
is the embodiment of principles and rules inspired by natural reason, an innate sense of justice, and the dictates of convenience,
and voluntarily adopted by men for their government in social relations." It is the survival of the best, in the experiences of mankind, knowledge of things as they have been crystalized for the benefit of those to come, and preserved in the histories, rather than in the law books of men.
 Upon this fundamental basis of the common law, men have from time to time made agreements with each other, and entered into compacts, binding themselves and their followers to certain general principles of government, and these compacts are the constitutions upon which some monarchies and all republican forms of government rest. A constitution represents the prevailing intelligence and morality of its framers, and, as one authority puts it, "is not the beginning of a community, nor the origin of private rights ; it is not the fountain of law, nor the incipient state of government ; it is not the cause, but consequence,
of personal and political freedom ; it grants no rights to the people, but is the creature of their power, the instrument of their convenience." They may be as unstable as the wind, as when,
at the birth of the French republic, they were the creatures of a day, as this or that body of men came into power. They are valuable to the cause of humanity only as they shall have in them the basic principles of right. They may have the highest forms of wisdom, calculated for the prosperity of an enlightened people,

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THE HIGHER LAW IN POLITICS 343 or they may have but a mixture of the good with a preponderance of the bad ;but, good or bad, they serve in a sense as the foundation upon which shall rest the body politic.
 The constitution of our country seems to have united in it the sum of wisdom as an instrument for the benefit and for the government of men, and it is marvelous to the ordinary mind to think of the intellect that couldhave conceived it. Over a hundred years ago it began service with a poverty stricken people,who were living their narrow life under crude circumstances and conditions, and has continued with them through the most wonderful national history of the ages, adapting itself to their growth, providing for their needs, as one by one the great problems of a developing country has confronted them. The Latterday Saints look upon this as a natural result, rather than as a fortuitous circumstance or happy coincidence, for they believe that the Intelligence which from the beginning has applied truth for the benefit of man, had an active part in the making of the constitution of our country. They believe what, in a revelation, the Lord said to the Prophet Joseph Smith
 "According to the laws and constitution of the people which I have suffered to be established, and should be maintained for the rights and protection of all flesh, according to just and holy principles,
that every man may act in doctrine and principle pertaining to futurity,
according to the moral agency which I have given unto them, that every man may be accountable for his own sins in the day of judgment. Therefore it is not right that any man should be in bondage one to another. And for this purpose I have established the constitution of this land, by the hands of wise men whom I raised up unto this very purpose, and redeemed this land by the shedding of blood"
(Doc. & Cov. 101:77-81).
 Believers in modern revelation, in view of this announcement,
have no difficulty in providing the basis for a healthy, patriotic belief in the sufficiency of the constitution of this country. It is easy for us to understand now how Jefferson could, in tinDeclaration 'of Independence, have provided the keynote for the constitution that in due time followed for it amply insures "life,
 ;

liberty and the pursuit of happiness," which is the sum of all human desire. To be an obedient, earnest citizen of this republic becomes a pleasant duty, when we can believe that God had a hand in the moulding of our institutions. To one who believes thus,
 his chief concern is, not that the instrument shall fail in some new

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344 IMPROVEMENT ERA emergency, but that men, forgetting or not knowing the measure of its divinity, shall attempt to overthrow, change, or supplant it. That it is intended to be an abiding, continuous instrument for the happiness of mankind is attested by the inspired prayer uttered by the Prophet, wherein he says "Have mercy, O Lord,
 :

upon all the nations of the earth, have mercy upon the rulers of our land, may those principles which were so honorably and nobly defended, viz., the constitution of our land by our fathers, be established forever" (Doc. & Cov. 109:54). That the Lord intended that we, with our knowledge of the hand that he had in the framing of the constitution, should befriend and support it, is evidenced by the words

 "And that law of the land which is constitutional, supporting that principle in maintaining rights and privileges, belongs to all mankind and is justifiable before me. Therefore, I the Lord justify you, and your brethren of my church, in befriending that law which is the constitutional law of the land; and as pertaining to the law of man,
whatsoever is more or less than these cometh of evil. I the Lord God make you free, therefore ye are free indeed; and the law also maketh you free" (Doc. & Cov. 98:5-8).

 The Church, by these statements, embodied in its revelations,
has incorporated the constitutional laws of the country into its beliefs, and they become in a sense a rule of faith. There should be no question with the "Mormon" people, then, as to their allegiance, and they should be among the most ardent defenders of the principles of our government.
 These thoughts have been suggested to me by hearing constant agitation, the tendency of which seems to be directed against the constitution.There appears to be an ill-considered desire for sweeping changes, that appear to strike at the root of fundamental principles. was greatly surprised, in talking with a man who I is him the accredited representative of a political faith, to hear say that the American people had outgrown their constitution, and that it should be discarded for something that would meet the present needs of the people. If that idea is shared by many, it is in my opinion an alarming symptom, and one that to me appears to be little less than treasonous. The abolition of law is anarchy,
a condition which the religious mind contemplates with fear; yet how close upon this state of chaos we tread when we denounce the restraints of government in its efforts to preserve the rights of

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THE HIGHER LAW IN POLITICS 34.")

its citizens. Of that class of semi-anarchists in our country who support and enjoy inflammatory publications, that condone and encourage the violence of mobs, we might say — that denying the protection of the law for others and becoming a law unto themselves, they have rejected the benefits of our constitution, and cannot expect for themselves the full flower and fruits that come from the enjoyment of orderly liberty. Of them it may be truly said, as the Lord says of those who prefer to reject the spiritual law
 "That which breaketh a law and abideth not by law, but seeketh to become a law unto itself, and willethto abide in sin, cannot be sanctified by law, neither by mercy, justice nor judgment, therefore they must remain filthy still'' (Doc. & Cov. 88:35).

 That judges, juries and witnesses in our country, may be intimidated, may mean that there is in our midst the breeding grounds for an upheaval, beside which the French Revolution would in comparison be as a summer zephyr to a cyclone. A modern Gadianton band would find a congenial atmosphere where a cry is raised unrebuked against the courts, which are the safeguards of the people!
 Only one step removed from this mental attitude, is the frame of mind that is apathetic in the presence of law breaking. Tn my opinion there is no rule of ethics that should close the mouths of witnesses to infractions of the law ; and that maudlin sentimentality that parades "honor" as a reason for silence in the presence of wrong doing, has in very deed "stolen the liver)- of Heaven to serve the Devil in!"
 Patriotism, to be genuine, must take on the active quality,
that will regard the honor of our institutions as an individual responsibility. That there are evils in the administration of our government no one will attempt to deny, but that they are due to a lack of knowledge as to our rights, and of the way to maintain them under and by the assistance of the constitution, is just as apparent.
 What the American people most need, in my opinion, is a deeper consciousness of their sovereignty, with more enlightenment as to their powers under the constitution. Free agency of man presumes the democracy of man, and that is as true of his civil as of his religious relations. "'And all things shall be done by common censent in the Church" (Doc. & Cov. 26:2), a rule

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34C IMPROVEMENT ERA of Theo-Democracy, is a rule that may be applied to the political affairs of men with but the changing of a word. It being true that the powers of government are in the hands of the people, if they are not being properly served, the inevitable conclusion is that it is their own fault and not necessarily the fault of the laws and to make this condition the basis for demands that are unconstitutional is unworthy of enlightened citizenship.
 Men are clamoring for a more equitable division of property,
and to gain their ends are demanding an adjustment that would destroy one of the choicest elements of our liberties, the right of free competition in an open field. In their eagerness to have and apply to our present mortal conditions, rules that are idealistic and Utopian in their nature, they forget that the end of law is to subserve the liberties of all. Conscious of inequalities, they are not sufficiently discriminating as to whether these differences in wealth are the result of wrong doing. Inveighing against the richand favored, they forget that the success of the rich may be due entirely to application and industry and upholding and de-
 ;

fending the poor, they forget that their poverty may to an extent be due to their own negligence of opportunity. The Lord does not spare the rich in the iniquities of their possessions, nor does he spare the poor in their unrighteous covetousness. "Wo unto you rich men, that will not give your substance to the poor, for your riches will canker your souls; and this shall be your lamentation in the day of visitation, and of judgment, and of indignation
— The harvest is past, the Summer is ended, and my soul is not saved!"
 "Wo unto you poor men, whose hearts are not broken, whose spirits are not contrite, and whose bellies are not satisfied, and whose hands are not stayed from laying hold upon other men's goods, whose eyes are full of greediness, who will not labor with your own hands!" (Doc. & Cov. 56:16, 17) Justice, as an instrument in the hands of God, does not deal with dollars and cents, but with the hearts and souls of men, and if we could achieve that attitude politically, we would be able to solve many of our difficult questions.
 Within our basic law is to be found the remedy for every evil, whether coming from organized capital, or originating in the mob, and the cure is to be found in a more thorough application of the means at our command.

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THE HIGHER LAW IN POLITICS 347 N Of the elements in political betterment that have been overlooked by the sovereign people, this —that men, more than principles, should be sought after, most conspicuous. It is a is the glaring fallacy, proven so by history, that any body of men may appropriate and exercise infallibly, principles of righteousness.
Principles are not to be found upon a banner, but in the heart.
That the nation's greatness was wrapped up in Republicanism or Democracy has been the cherished belief of many honest citizens,
and they have blindly followed their party flag, no matter by whom carried. In making up the new order of things political,
this idea is the first one to be slaughtered.

 It would appear to be a patent truth that if just men had always the making and administration of the laws, that just laws,
in intent at least, would always be the result of their deliberations so it would seem that the injunction in this revelation of the Lord to the Latter-day Saints would be the highest form of political wisdom "Wherefore, honest men, and wise men, should be sought
 :

for diligently, and good men, and wise men, ye should observe to uphold ; otherwise whatsoever is less than these cometh of evil"
(Doc. '& Cov. 98:10). Even though coming as a purported revelation patriotic men ought not to fear it, it is the light that will lead to the way.
 We talk glibly and hopefully of the greatest good for man ;

of the coming of the day when peace shall prevail and righteousness shall reign, and yet what a bitter irony meets us in the fact that it is brought about by the devious and questionable methods of a political system, and by our own carelessness as to our rights and powers, that the men who make and administer the laws are not always just either in intent or action.
 Politics and the law —how poorly mated, yet how inseparably connected !makes the lawmakers, the lawmakers make Politics the law; upon the answer to this question, then, depends much:
"Who controls politics?"
 Is not this a truth, that in the past not often enough have men in the precincts of library or study, with sober, earnest minds that reached out for truth and right, named the policies or the candidates Has it not too often been the case that from the less earnest and conscientious, to say the least, has come the final dictum? And would we be far from the truth if we should say that in manv of the communities of our nation the laws that

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348 IMPROVEMENT KKA govern, and the powers that control, get their inspiration in the back room of a saloon ? The stern irony of an appalling situation !

The righting of this matter is a titan task, which even the just,
though muscled like Hercules, can never accomplish with their present conception of the root of things ! To effect this, the self-respectingman, who has held aloof from the contamination of the rabble that congregate around the spoils of place, must come to learn that if he would clean the Augean stables, he must step into the mire.
 An objector will say "You come tardily with your criticisms
 :

of the present order, and your pessimism is unwarranted in view of the recent advances in our nation." It is true that the wise and courageous action of prominent officials, aided by the forces of reform, have accomplished much in the last few years, but we will find that so deep a sore is not easily and permanently cured for the same genius that has evaded right in the beginning, will,
out of its exhaustless resources, find a way wholly or partially to nullify the people's will. The only way for a permanent cure is the living of the higher law in politics.

 As party men, we are governed by a rod of iron. Shall we say the word that shall commit us to a disregard of political authority — if so, we shall be guilty of the crime of lese majesty to the party king, for no one but the man who has felt the penalty can judge of the effectiveness of party discipline. Did he fail to
 — did he respond to the party call, however arbitrary lift his voice against an unjust or unwise party conclusion — then shall come an ostracism that shall relegate him to political oblivion, pending his abject repentance, when he may enter again to service, but never again to honor among his fellows.
 The watchword, "To the victor belongs the spoils." argues more than a volume the primary object and reward of political activity, and that the opportunity to distribute these "spoils."
primarily and rightfully the people's possession, is in the hands of a favored "few from whose decision there is no appeal, opens the way to a species of tyranny that should find no place in our free institutions. That this power is wisely used by some, with more care for the public good than for personal benefit, does not take from the danger that lurks in the system. It too often

 —
means the barter of principle for pelf too often punishment for independence. Happily there arc men too big to be used by this

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THE HIGHER LAW IN POLITICS 349 system. These men have colored party politics by their own virtues, andhave thus been the saviors of their parties. These men have become heroes when lesser men would have been named traitors. Roosevelt lived the higher law ; he was bigger than his party in this, that he took from the pigeon holes of her sanctuary the musty documents of political virtue, and aired them in the sunlight of today. He made no new truths he breathed the —
breath of life into the old. "A square deal for every man" is merely Jefferson more tersely put. While the little bosses execrated him, and the big ones feared him, he brushed aside the conventionalities of party, and spoke the fundamental truths of life, of justice and of right, as between man and man. Knowing that "the letter killeth but the spirit giveth life," he amazed those who worship at the dry bone sanctuary of the constitution, by interpreting that sacreddocument into active force. And Roosevelt is not the only man who could break away from fossilized party dogma; it is fortunate for our country that such men are not limited to one party, nor to one locality.
 Under the spirit of the constitution, construed as it was intended, for the good of men, let us speak for a free voice for every one, unbound by any restrictions except his own good conscience. With the present average personnel of political organizations, what has political convention or caucus to do with the making of reforms ? One man is touched with the fire of truth,
and he breaks the chain. Jt is sacrilege to entrust his message to mummies who chatter and prate of rules of order and political expediency, and measure his revelations in an apothecary's scale
— embalm his living utterances with their dead wash, and deliver them to the people robbed and despoiled of their vitality. Let such a man shout his truth to the nation until it is educated to the need of it, and then there will be no question but that the servants of the people will obey the popular will.
 It an excellent quality in a citizen to speak, and speak is loudly, and with enthusiasm, on public matters. Modesty, while a virtue in some respects, may become a fault when it locks the lips of men who ought to cry out against evils. The politician who fattens upon vice, and who burdens the air with his talk of taxes, and the destruction of business, ought not to have a monopoly upon agitation. Men ought not to be afraid to bear their testimony to the good of law and the value of its enforce-

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350 IMPROVEMENT ERA mail. To idly listen to a defamation of officials whom you know to be honorable and worthy is to be a silent partner in the sin.
Resenting with courage attacks upon the liberties of men by the rich, we should with equal courage oppose the maudlin sentiment that a man is innocent, perforce, because he is a representative of the laborer. A broad-minded discussion of questions should be encouraged. The condition that at one time prevailed in Greece, when citizens in a mass assembled in the forum to consider matters of public concern, and when these assemblies became a vast congress, might not be possible in this strenuous age,
but it is a state of public interest greatly in advance of that in our country, where the great body of the people remain quietly at home, while in some instances a few saloon manipulators and political grafters have packed the convention. By all means let there be public opinion, but let the better element of the people contribute in its manufacture.
 The method of reform bodies has been to awaken sentiment by the vivid presentation of the results of evil, and this is effective, at least temporarily, but emotions are fleeting, and reform movements are correspondingly transitory. The one virtue of Satan is perseverance, and good must be based upon a permanent,
self-sustaining foundation to withstand him. May it not be that we talk too much of the evils of drink and immorality, when all the world knows that these twin curses are wrong. Find me one saloon man who will justify his traffic, only on the theory that men should have the right to destroy themselves if they so desire,
or upon the other theory of the right to do business. Is not the abstract issue of the harmfulness of these things settled in the minds of men? Yes; but the great object of the protection of society has not been accomplished. The movement of reforms has ebbed and flowed from the beginning. May not the day come, if we are not prepared, when the tide may recede and leave us lodged upon a reef? To live the higher law in politics will permanently save and redeem us.
 I would not argue the discontinuance of some form of party system, but it seems to me that we have overrated the value of platforms and of the promises of men. The most that these can be is an added resource behind the main asset of character. Planks have been the laughing stock of observing men always, for their chief utility has been to be used as screens between the candidate

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THE HIGHER LAW IN POLITICS 361 and the people. Seldom, and then only when v\e have a strong man behind the platform, who makes its provisions a part of his conscience, have they been fully realized. When all men come to know that there is an elemental truth that all things spring forth from the heart, then we shall know that to have the highest order of political service we must have the highest order of men.
I believe that our commercial prosperity is more a matter of individual righteousness, on the part of the representatives of the people, than of party theories. To rob the people by excessive tantfs, or to rob the mechanic by insufficient protection, comes within the scope of the commandment, "Thou shalt not steal."
Exclusive possession of political dogmas is a thing of the past,
for in matters of national policy men veer from side to side of and in their shifting, caused by the evolution the political arena,
and progress of our national life and development, men are today almost unconsciously, perhaps, losing their political identity.
 1 can think of the ideal party organization in no more fitting terms than that it should be an ark, in which should repose the covenant of our rights and liberties. Let no man lay unauthorized hands upon it, lest he be smitten; and let no political Philistines steal it, lest they incur the plagues and pestilences to be visited upon them by an outraged people. 1 shall not pursue the parallel further, and say that the Church should be the High Priest to keep in charge this sacred receptacle, for the Church does not possess all the conscience and virtue of the world; but I will say that upon Christian men rests with more weight than upon any other the responsibility of guarding our liberties, and that it is their duty, by voice and influence, to keep it safe from foes without and within the party.
 Some rubbish must be cleared away from the roots of our party systems that we may see the hidden causes of unfavorable conditions. Sometimes the seeming strength of a man may be his weakness. The man who plumes himself upon his undeviating partyism, who has voted the good old ticket from the beginning,
with never an analysis or choice of men, with all his fancied strength can never be a safe pillar for the support of our institutions. O the magic word fidelity! shouted loudest by the enemies of social and civic virtues There can be no fidelity
 !

to right principles but in just and honest men, and, year after year, good men have marched with quiet consciences to the polls

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IMPROVEMENT BR \

and voted party, and have wondered at the results and at the tardy coming of better conditions, while the politically dishonest men shouting party with strident voices, have voted this way and then that, but always for the perpetuation of the powers of evil.
In the secret rituals of these men there is no principle save selfishness, and no law save that of gain Democrat, Republican, both
 ;

or neither, if his good shall be best subserved. For such men,
ante-election promises, hurting neither tender consciences, nor violating moral standards, are easy of the making. To make these two men equal on election day, the one maa's hands should be put in shackles, if we insist that the other man's conscience should be in irons.
 Character in man must ever be the prime element in his fitness for responsibility.Would it not be a safe rule to persistently follow, that men should come to preferment in party by the growth and exhibition of moral qualities, more than by the profession of political principles, or by the making of promises? And when happily we shall find combined in men political experience,
coupled with sterling character, then look, ye men who stand gazing, at the star in the east that heralds the political millennium So 1 would preach men more than principles, for principles, in and of themselves, without the means of expression, are inert and lifeless; and when only men of unsullied character shall present themselves for office, the battle is won. Herein comes the privilege and benefits of selection for which the constitution provides.
"Honest and wise men should be sought for diligently," and whether it be the united voice of a people calling a Cincinnatus from the field, or whether it be in the primary conventions, or primary elections, or in the general elections that follow, the citizens must seek for men of ivorth. The idea ought not longer to have support that men may have the profession of an office seeker, and live by that trade. Government is a business and calls for the highest order of ability and integrity, and successful men of honor, whether in the realm of thought or in material directions, should be preferred,and called from their personal work for the general good, and out of the hearts and consciences of such men as these, and that source only, will come this settlement between right and wrong. Abstract the title of each man for preferment, and place the brand of defeat upon the unworthy,

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THE HIOHRR LAW IN POLITICS 353 irrespective of party, "for whatsoever is more or less than this cometh of evil."
 While regarding with great satisfaction the advancement of the last few years, there is much yet to be accomplished in the cause of political reform. As the enemies of righteousness are routed from one state and then another, the interstate problem will become more acute. The field of conflict will change, and up to the doors of the National Capitol, the defeated hordes of vice and graft will come as to their final citadel. The miniature conditions of our localities will be magnified a thousand times upon this national battlefield. Millionaires will take the place of frightened business men, trusts will take the place of corporations,
millions will flow there as thousands here. A great machine,
with its ponderous wheels, will grind out in the mazes of a perplexing system, with selfish interests at every point, shaping, or mis-shaping, the principles long ago settled by the highest intelligence and conscience as the law of right for man. This battle will continue until the time when from enough constituencies of the Union will come these select men, who shall be the representatives of elemental truth rather than of parties and localities.
 A lecturer of national reputation recently said that "our government has not yet established its claim to permanency; its one hundred and thirty-five years comprise only a brief period compared with many institutions past and present." This country,
ripening in growth and prosperity marvelously, may as soon decay,
if there be not within it the qualities that endure.
 I have great respect for American manhood. It sometimes sleeps and sometimes is deceived, but generally, when aroused, it has an accurate sense of right. I have faith in the possibility of the education of the masses, and if the strong, thinking men of the nation can be emancipated from the thralldom of political tyranny, and the masses can be educated to the beauties of a God-given constitution, and to an ardent love of its principles,
there will follow the emancipation of the entire citizenship from the stupor of ignorance as to their greater duties, the peaceful overthrow of the powers of evil, and the elevation to kingship of the powers of good.
pocATELLO, Idaho.
