---
title: Improvement Era
description: Monthly periodical of the Mormon church, 1897 onward. This library holds the issues of November 1897 to December 1930.
authors:
  - Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations
collections:
  - periodicals
tags:
  - magazine
  - improvement-era
periodical: Improvement Era
volume: 8
number: 8
published: 1905-06
publisher: Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations
publisher_place: Salt Lake City
language: en
type: magazine
reference: 'Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations, "Topics of the Moment," *Improvement Era* 8, no. 8 (June 1905): 613–617.'
source:
  url: https://archive.org/details/improvementera0808unse
  transcription: Transcribed from the Internet Archive scan of each issue (the item for each issue is named in the issue's own source); unnumbered advertising leaves are omitted, printed page numbers are kept as page markers.
  identifier: improvementera0808unse
start_page: 613
end_page: 617
rights:
  status: public-domain
  basis: US publication 1930 or earlier (published 1905-06)
  source: https://archive.org/details/improvementera0808unse
  publication_year: 1905
  note: The Internet Archive item metadata carries a blanket "© Copyright by Intellectual Reserve, Inc." notice. The library owner judged it inapplicable because this issue was published in 1905, before 1931; a scan-level notice does not restore copyright.
---

# Topics of the Moment

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TOPICS OF MOMENT.
European Complications.
     Last year, England and France entered into apolitical arrangement, in the language of diplomacy called an entente, by which
France was to have a free hand in Morocco and to bring that Mohammedan country into a sort of protectorate of France.             This
understanding did much to adjust former serious differences between these two countries. It was especially helpful in reconciling the French to the control of the English in Egypt. At the
outbreak of the war between Egypt and England, France held
equal political power with England in that country. When, however, France declined to join in the war, she lost her share of the
political   control.    This loss to her   prestige    in   Egypt always
wounded French pride.       That wound has been very largely healed
by the acquiescence of England to the assumption on the part of
France of paramount influence in Morocco; and it has since been
clear that these two ancient rivals have been nearing harmonious
relationship.
     The Morocco question, however, was not to be thus peacefully
adjusted.  A short time ago, Emperor William, of Germany, while
sailing in the Mediterranean, after formal        arrangements and prior
announcements, paid a       visit to   Morocco.     Nobody doubted the
political significance of that      The French were perceptibly
                                 visit.
disturbed by it, and the English pricked up their ears.  At the
same time Buelow, on a public occasion,   announced   Germany's
intention to contend for the commercial open door in Morocco.
    France would very much regret a conflict with Germany
whose superior military powers the thoughtful Frenchmen must
recognize.      France, therefore, preferred to treat the movement as

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a bluff, and pay no special attention to it. The French ministry,
however, was disposed to propitiate Germany by some sort of
negotiation.    The Prime Minister, Delcasse, manifested a willingness to explain satisfactorily to Germany the policy of his country
in   Morocco.        Somewhat   to the surprise of          both England and
France, the German newspapers began a bitter campaign against
these countries,      and proposed      international       negotiations which
should ignore any prior understanding of France with respect to
Morocco.     This     demand was resented by           Delcasse, the French
foreign minister; but because he considered his associates in the
French ministry so lukewarm            in   support of him, he offered his
resignation. This resignation President Loubet persuaded Delcasse
to withdraw.         The downfall of the French minister of foreign
affairs, Delcasse,    would have been a gratifying diplomatic victory
to Germany.
      There is strong suspicion that the English came to the support of the French, especially if we         may regard the words of the
Spectator as having any significance.           This   is   what it says:   "We
can assure the German       fire   eaters that we shall not fail to do       all
we agreed to do in maintaining the Anglo-French agreement, and
that France,    if   she were wantonly attacked by Germany, would
not call on us in vain,"
      In the diplomatic world, motives are not generally looked for
in the direct'object of a controversy.          It is not easily conceivable
that Germany |is really very        much concerned about who has the
upper hand in Morocco. Germany, like other nations, has the goal
of her ambitions.       What Germany desires above all             other things
is the   mastery of Holland, which would not only give her an immense sea frontage, but the immense colonies of the Dutch. Colonial ambition is a great moter power in Germany today.     With
Holland and her colonies, Germany would be a formidable rival to
Great Britain.    Both Holland and Belgium realize that their
national integrity depends         much on the hostile attitude that for
years has existed between Germany and France.                   Diplomats are
now asking the questions: Is Germany really fishing for political
advantages in troubled waters?          Does she wish to provoke France
to armed resistance, with the assurance in her own mind that she

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TOPICS OF MOMENT.                            615
could easily win out and add to her domain Holland and, perhaps,
Belgium?
     As long as Russia was regarded as so powerful an ally of
France, Germany did not entertain ;for a moment the thought of
such an undertaking; for of all countries in the world that Germany has most feared, it has been Russia. Now, however, Germany believes, after witnessing the war between Russia and Japan,
that she overestimated the Czar's strength.                     With the defeat of
Rozhdestvensky, Russia would be so weakened that Germany could
easily rest   assured that Austria could very                   well take care of
Russia, in case of a war between Germany and France.                     This supposition of Germany's motives is supported by a declaration of the:
Cologne    Gazette, a semi-official German newspaper, that Germany
could not afford to enter into               negotiations with France about
Morocco; because,       if       Germany made any demands upon France
respecting that North African country, she would be bound to see
her demands carried through. That means that whatever demands
she makes must come in the form of an ultimatum.                     France would
have to yield and suffer humiliation or                fight.    People are asking
quite naturally. What will England do?                   The English have taken
much more        seriously       the    Germany than have the
                                        threats   of
French. Both English and French policy is to isolate, as much
as possible, the Germans in European politics. France and Great
Britain have reached a harmonious understanding over their colonial policies,   and   it   is    now unlikely a more substantial         unity of
purpose will be reached.               France would be really better off with
England and Japan as allies than she would be with Russia.
    The action of Germany in Morocco will encourage the resistance of the Sultan there.   The country is constantly threatened
by insurrections, and is held together only by outside pressure.
France must act in case of disorder, and then the world will look
on anxiously to see what Germany is going to do about it.
The Czar's Easter Ukase.
     It was generally considered that great trouble would result
in the empire when the Easter celebrations were to take place, on
April 30.   The predictions, however, were not realized as fully as.

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616                       IMPROVEMENl ERA.
 expected.      While there were some disturbances, they were not of
great consequence.        But the Czar celebrated the day by issuing a
decree, which,      among many other concessions,           abolished the severe restrictions on the freedom of worship in regard to the Dissenters, Roman Catholics, and non-Christian religions.              It provides
that hereafter secession from the Orthodox Greek Church, will no
longer involve persecution, or deprivation of           civil   rights.   Children under fourteen will be permitted to follow the belief of their
parents. Dissenters will be admitted to cadet and military schools,
and may even be promoted to be officers. All non-Christian sects,
such as Mohammedans, will have equal rights with Christians, and
are no longer to be styled Pagans. But few or no concessions are to
be granted the Jews,           who   are thus punished, undoubtedly, owing to their activity in revolutionary movements.
       Certain classes of prisoners, including those arrested for participating in the great disturbances of January 22, receive pardon;
the mirs, or village communities, are relieved from all arrears of
taxes, amounting to $37,500,000, and what is still better, from all
back payments on account of lands given to them at the date of
their emancipation. Harper's Weekly says:
       It should be borne in   mind that of the forty million serfs emancipated by Alexander II, only about one half,         namely, the serfs of the
crown, received a gratuitous endowment of land. To the other half was
apportioned estates belonging to their former owners, saddled, however,
with the obligation of paying for the lands in installments stretching
over a long period.      From this point of view, the operation was analogous to that which we see going on in Ireland under the operation of
the act intended to transform tenants into peasant proprietors. The
difference is that in   Ireland the peasant acquires his land in severalty,
whereas, in Russia lands were allotted to       a   commune in his collective
capacity and, of course, the commune became collectively liable for the
debt due the former owner.        Sometimes the land apportioned might be
poor, sometimes there might be no harvest in consequence of a drought;
in any event, the number           commune's inhabitants would continuof the
ally increase, while the area of its landwould remain stationary. The
inevitable result of such conditions was that many communes would fall
into arrears as regards payment of the installments owing to the former
landowner, and, for like reason, would default in the payment of the
taxes exacted on behalf of the imperial government.         It is the hopeless.

<!-- page:617 -->

TOPICS OF MOMENT.                          61T
Tiess to which the  moujiks, or members of the peasant com*mune, hare
been reduced by the joint incidence of these burdens, and not the very
slight success of the attempt to inoculate them with revolutionary
                                                                   doctrines, which is accountable for the agrarian outbreaks
                                                          and outrages
that of late have terrified the nobles and larger landowners in   manj
provinces of European Russia.
     It is, therefore, easily seen how this Ukase of the Czar has
had a corciliatory effect upon the rural population, which, in turn,
accounts for the failure of the threatened Easterday uprising.
     Then, again, the comprehensive act of toleration in religious
concessions, is a specious substitute for constitutional government
which Russian Liberals are clamoring for.       By it the Czar seeks to
conciliate the Moslems and Buddhists of       Central Asia, the Roman
Catholics of Poland, the Lutherans of the Baltic Provinces and
Finland, and above    all   the seceders   known as Old Believers, who
inhabit the center of European Russia and number about seventeen million souls.   These include a large proportion of the merchant class, who are, of course, the richest people of the empire
outside of the Grand Ducal coterie.        These Believers refused to
consent to the ritual reforms introduced by Peter the Great, but
otherwise they believe in the doctrines of the Greek church. They
make the sign of the cross with three fingers instead of two, and
refuse to use intoxicating liquors, tobacco, tea and coffee, and are
sober and industrious, and consequently well-to-do.          It was reported some weeks ago that in return for permission to worship
according to the dictates of their own consciences, they were raising millions of dollars to give to the government for the expenses
of the war.
     It is indeed surpassing strange that only for the difference in
ritual forms from the Orthodox church, the Old Believers for nearly
a quarter of a century, have been forbidden to use their altars for
religious purposes, to endow their churches with real or personal
property; to establish monasteries, to build schools, or even to
print and circulate their religious books.  The son of a Believer
could not enter a military or naval school, and hence could not be
a commissioned officer in the army; or, if he did a valiant act as a
common soldier, the medal        of bravery   was withheld from him.
These galling prohibitions, on so many millions of people, instituted
