--- title: Improvement Era description: Monthly periodical of the Mormon church, 1897 onward. This library holds the issues of November 1897 to December 1930. authors: - Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations collections: - periodicals tags: - magazine - improvement-era periodical: Improvement Era volume: 3 number: 8 published: 1900-06 publisher: Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations publisher_place: Salt Lake City language: en type: magazine reference: 'Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations, "Editor’s Table: The Boer Envoy, and the Relationship between England and America; The Scofield Mine Disaster; Talks to Young Men; Caution against Debt; Movements in the Religious World; Reynolds’ Chart of Nephite and Lamanite History," *Improvement Era* 3, no. 8 (June 1900): 616–630.' source: url: https://archive.org/details/improvementera38unse transcription: Transcribed from the Internet Archive scan of each issue (the item for each issue is named in the issue's own source); unnumbered advertising leaves are omitted, printed page numbers are kept as page markers. identifier: improvementera38unse start_page: 616 end_page: 630 rights: status: public-domain basis: US publication 1930 or earlier (published 1900-06) source: https://archive.org/details/improvementera38unse publication_year: 1900 note: The Internet Archive item metadata carries a blanket "© Copyright by Intellectual Reserve, Inc." notice. The library owner judged it inapplicable because this issue was published in 1900, before 1931; a scan-level notice does not restore copyright. --- # Editor’s Table: The Boer Envoy, and the Relationship between England and America; The Scofield Mine Disaster; Talks to Young Men; Caution against Debt; Movements in the Religious World; Reynolds’ Chart of Nephite and Lamanite History EDITOR'S TABLE. THE BOER ENVOYS, AND THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ENGLAND AND AMERICA. After having visited many of the powers of Europe without result, the envoys of President Kruger have come to America to ask for intercession, to request that the people of the United States shall say to England, "Stop," for, as one of them expressed it, at the New York municipal reception: "We think that if America said the word, the war would.be stopped." They think further, that ninety per cent of the Americans sympathize with the libertyloving peole of the Transvaal, and have come to convert the other ten per cent, by telling them the truth about the war. Whatever sympathy the people individually may feel for the Boers, it is not either likely or probable that the government of the United States will take any action that will prove of much consolation or benefit to the people of the African Republic and their agents. In fact the issue has already been met, and President McKinley has informed the envoys, that while he sympathizes in the desire of the American people that the war shall come to a speedy close, there is no course open to him except to persist in the policy of impartial neutrality. In the United States, it is true, there is no very strong sym- pathy which favors the policy that led up to the declaration of war between England and the Boer Republics. At the outset, however, a careful discrimination should be made between the EDITOR'S TABLE. 617 opinions relating to the necessity and conduct of this war and those which relate to the English generally. Upon the whole the people of this country are "not anti-English. Nothing is said in disparagement of the principles of English government, her colonial policy, nor of the general liberality manifested in English institutions. The opinions concentrate upon the single case. It is hard to convince the American people generally that the war might not have been honorably avoided. There are, however, some factors that have created in the minds of the American people a prejudice against the English in this case. These factors are interesting as illustrating the relationships between this country and Great Britain, and are worthy of a brief review, in connection with the visit of the envoys. In the first place, the difficulties between the Boers and English arose in consequence of the grievances of the miners of Johannesburg. As the mining industry took on enormous proportions, it would be strange indeed if differences should not arise between the Uitlanders and the Boers, and in these differences also a just cause of grievance. People have come therefore to look upon the dispute as one arising out of a sort of stock-jobbing affair. In other words, the English are accused of fighting for gold. It is said that before these mines were opened, the English were not much concerned about the principles of government as they it was only when large financial existed in the Transvaal, and interestswere at stake that England felt impelled to force the Boers into accepting demands which the latter could not yield to. The more violent opponents, therefore, are disposed to designate itas a war for greed. A second cause, however, of the misgivings which have been aroused throughout America is one of a more substantial character. Mr. Chamberlain, the secretary of foreign affairs, certainly did not show much leniency, and he shifted about from one position to another and undertook to force his demands by the concentration of troops near the frontier of the Transvaal. Mr. Chamberlain's policy seemed to most readers as harsh, unnecessarily aggressive, and often trifling. During the period, therefore, of negotiations between England and the Transvaal, most that was done by Mr. Chamberlain 618 IMPROVEMENT ERA. had a strong tendency to alienate the sympathies of this country and create very grave suspicions abroad. In this country, Americans generally suppose themselves to be Gladstonian, so far as they sympathize with either side in the political differences of the mother country. Gladstone was a Liberal. Local self-government or home-rule was so closely associated with his name that Americans have come to regard him as the foremost standardbearer of English liberty. With him would naturally also be associated the party which he led; that is, the Liberal party of England. Many Americans, therefore, without reference to their own political -preferences think themselves in sympathy with the Liberals of Great Britain. Generally speaking, the Liberals were opposed to the war which was initiated under the Conservative rule. But perhaps a stronger reason for the prejudices against the English in this war is found in the fact that it is strongly opposed by such eminent men as Morley and Bryce, especially the latter. Mr. Bryce in his "Commonwealth," the history of American institutions, has generally been looked upon as an impartial writer and a man of keen observation and broad judgment. While, therefore, most Americans might instinctively ally themselves with the Liberals of Great Britain, yet it would perhaps be difficult for the more than ninety per cent of them to say just why they should prefer the one to the other. Another element has entered into the opinions of the American people. It is an element of a party dispute, and finds its stronghold in the opposition which the Democratic party of the United States offers to the Philippine policy. The leading Democrats have undertaken, in their opposition to expansion, to compare the war in the Philippines with that of the war in South Africa. They think they see in these two undertakings a strong similarity, and to oppose the one means naturally to offer opposition to the other. So far, however, the Republicans have refused to be drawn into a dispute of this kind by denying that there is anything whatever analogous in the two wars. The Republican party, therefore, is disposed to treat the South African war upon an entirely different basis and to resist the efforts of their opponents to make a political question of it in this country. While it is not a party question EDITOR'S TABLE. 619 in the United States, it may be easily seen by a perusal of the party papers that there is a vastly stronger opposition to the English in the Democratic party than among the Republicans. The sympathy which, for the various reasons above enumerated, the American people give to the Boers was very greatly strengthened at the outset of the war because of the advantages which the Boers had gained in their earliest efforts. It seems marvelous that a nation like England— one of the foremost in the — world could be held at bay so long by a mere pigmy, for such in reality were the South African republics when compared with Great Britain. There is, too, in the human mind a generous instinct that leads men to sympathize with the weaker, especially when a nation so weak as the Transvaal is pitted against a nation as powerful as Great Britain. Day after day news from the seat of war aroused admiration for the magnificent defense which the Boers offered to the English arms. Everybody seemed surprised, yet it was universally felt that England had upon her hands a greater task by far than she realized at the outset. Besides, many of the English journals were boastful. The war had been treated as a sort of holiday excursion. Many of the aristocracy of London were to go to Pretoria to eat their Christmas dinners, and enjoy with huge relish the plum pudding upon which they were in the habit of regaling themselves at home. Beside, all this sympathy for the Boers was made easier by reason of the Jameson raid which took place in 1896. It was so illy-planned and illy carried out that England herself was obliged to disavow any sympathy for the raiders, and affect to punish those who had been engaged in an attempt to overthrow the Transvaal Republic. On the other hand, it was fortunate for England, so far as American sympathy goes, that the war was undertaken immediately after our war with Spain. England had very wisely used the occasion of our differences to proclaim her friendship for this country, and by this wise diplomatic course had done much to wipe out past grievances.It is not easy to guess what might have been the sentiment of the United States, had the war in South Africa followed the Venezuelan difficulties that arose in the latter part of Mr. Cleveland's administration. At that time, sentiment ran high against England, and there was the strongest disposition 620 IMPROVEMENT ERA. manifest, irrespective of parties, to resist anything whatever in the nature of an encroachment in this country. THE SCOFIELD MINE DISASTER. The beautiful month of May was ushered in with a black cloud of trouble hanging over Utah, which burst with deadly fury to fill the commonwealth with horror, and its citizens with deepest grief. It was the appalling explosion which occurred in the Win- ter Quarters mine, near Scofield, Utah, on the morning of the first day of May, which resulted in the death of two hundred and four people, — robust men and boys. These were miners, the majority of whom were residents of various settlements of the state, so that there was scarcely a county to which the disaster did not come home with the power of personal sorrow. The disaster staggered the state, and fell like a dreadful pall upon the whole community, bowing the spirits of even the strong, and chilling the stoutest heart with gloom. It was not until after Saturday, the 5th, "burial day" in Scofield and over the whole state, that the people in general could fully realize what a fearful calamity had befallen, and could begin the real work of relief for the unfortunate survivors. But the center of the terror touched with paralyzing force the one hundred and five widows, and their two hundred and seven orphans, whose husbands, fathers and brothers, without warning, and in the bloom of health and strength, were thus suddenly rent from them. They were left alone, their companions 'were gone, the family props were taken, and with them the prospects of temporal support. Temporarily, the latter was speedily supplied by the donated substance of good people in all parts of the state, and in other states of the Union; and the des- olation and weeping that came with the disaster was alleviated, as much as such things can be, by the sympathies and kind acts of a host of noble men and women, including the officers of the unfortu- nate mining company, who devoted themselves to the relief of the immediate wants of the afflicted and suffering. Among noted peo- ple who sent words of sympathy to the state, was President EDITOR'S TABLE. 621 McKinley, and President Loubet of France; for it was one of the great, if not the greatest, calamities of the kind in the history of coal mining in the world. Relief funds for the surviving widows and children were started by the leading newspapers, by the mayors of the cities, and by the state government, to which the citizens generally, rich and poor alike, according to their means, gave freely. Large amounts, also, came from capitalists of other states, and the fund has swelled to a handsome figure. Governor Heber M. Wells, in his proclamation appealing for appointed the following leading aid, citizens a central relief committee: James T. Hammond, Ezra Thompson, E. W. Wilson, Salt Lake City; Lafayette Holbrook, Provo; John Jones, Spanish Fork; 0. G. Kimball and T. J. Parmley of Scofield, who are requested to receive all contributions, and to apportion and distribute the same, with competency and equity, to those entitled to receive them. This actual cash fund, exclusive of any supplies given to alleviate immediate necessities, at this writing, amounts to $120,876.42. Every comfort which could be provided for the afflicted has been unstintingly extended by the kind people of the state who seem to be thoroughly aroused to the dreadfulness of the startling calamity. The question of the best mode of distributing the relief fund has arisen. A most satisfactory method would be the safe investment of the amount by a state committee, the proceeds to be used for supplying the necessities of the sufferers, and for the social and educational benefit of their children. A complete list of those entitled to relief should, under this arrangement, be made, and the state committee, who of course would serve without compensation, would see to it that every entitled person would receive his deserved share of the proceeds. The calamity should impress its lessons upon the state, the mine owner, and the workers in mines. Whatever the cause of the explosion, this fact is forcibly taught, that more caution is necessary. Such stringent laws should be enacted by the legislature as will hereafter insure to every mine strict and frequent inspection by responsible and competent examiners. Owners of mines should be compelled to have every known safeguard thrown around their laborers, and negligence, in any respect, should be — —— — 622 IMPROVEMENT ERA. visited by severe penalties. Laborers who enter mines should be compelled to observe such rules and follow such regulations as will avoid endangering the lives of themselves or their fellows. No risks should be taken; and no money should be saved, or safe- guard left untouched, that would insure the protection of life. If these lessons shall be heeded, may be said after all, that the bath of it tears which the state of Utah has this May received from the widow and the fatherless, has not been given in vain. TALKS TO THE YOUNG MEN— CAUTION AGAINST DEBT. BY THE SENIOR EDITOR. "Owe no man anything, but to love one another." Rom. 13: 8. "Be not thou one of them that strike hands, or of them that are sureties for debts." Prov. 22: 26. "We have borrowed money * * * upon our lands and vineyards * * * and, lo, we bring into bondage our sons and our daughters to be servants, and some of our daughters are brought into bondage already: neither is it in our power to redeem them; for other men have our lands and vineyards." Neh. 5: 4, 5. "Debt makes everything a temptation. It lowers a man in self- respect, places him at the mercy of his tradesmen and servants. He can not call himself his own master, and it is difficult for him to be truthful." Smiles. "Nothing but actual sin is more paralyzing to a young man's energies than debt." Success. "For the sake of gratifying his vanity by dressing as well as others who have more than double his means; by wishing to appear what he calls as 'up-to-date' as his friends or boon companions, many a young man mortgages his future, sells his birthright with- EDITORS TABLE. 623 out even the excuse of Esau, whose necessity was at least real. His wants are imaginary, and their gratification only serves to create an army of unlawful desire, which drags him lower and lower into the slough of debt, despondency and degradation, until manhood, honor, hope, enthusiasm, self-respect, all that makes life dear,— goes out in night and darkness." — /. Lincoln Brooks, in Success. Within the last few years the Latter-day Saints have had their share of experience with getting into debt. It has been an experience so full of valuable lessons that an effort should be made by those who have learned these lessons to impress them upon others who may not have been so fortunate, or unfortunate, whichever you please, as to have had this experience. The financial conditions are greatly improved, and with this improvement there is danger of a repetition of former experiences. It is to caution young men against such experience and its repetition that this is written. The second aim I have in writing is to show that debt is not a good thing for young men to enter into. That it is, on the contrary, a positive detriment to them, one of the burdens of life that tends to hold them down. My advice to young men who are now earning money is that they save as much as possible while money is easy, and spend it in the near future when it is liable to be more difficult to obtain. Our recent experience taught us that it is not good to enter into obligations that, at best, mortgage our future for years, even should the good times continue. But if something should occur to tighten the money market, and hard times come again, then the slavery which you have entered thoughtlessly into will be extended indefinitely, perhaps for the remainder of your lifetime. There are a large number of cases where men in the prosperous times of 1890, created obligations that they can not wipe out in a life time. "Get out of debt now," would be my counsel to everybody; and if my voice could be heard in all the land, I would still repeat the admonition, and add to it, "And let your income hereafter always be greater than your expenses." That is the only safe way to be independent. How can a young man who can not now live within his means ever expect to retrieve his position? He who 624 IMPROVEMENT ERA. builds airy castles on such expectations will be crushed beneath the ruins of their fall. Youth is the seedtime, and it is your only seedtime. You will reap just what you sow. This doctrine is just as true in finances as in morals and religion. If you sow debt, will you not reap galling poverty? It follows just as surely as that if you sow corruption and vice, your harvest will be unrighteousness and shame. And pray what need has the average young man to go into debt? There are cases where men must borrow money to further or save some unex- enterprises, or because of pected disaster, but that is not necessarily going into debt. But even this class of borrowing, borrowing under necessity, should be rsstricted and limited to the smallest possible scope. But going into debt should not be tolerated or thought of by young men, who are dependent upon their own achievements, without the most serious consideration and investigation. It is a safe rule to treat all debt as you would a poisonous serpent or a dread contagion. Again, what have you to go into debt for? Vanity, vice, luxury, cigars, liquor, entertainment, card-playing, betting, racing, dressing, dancing, appearing as well as your neighbor who can afford it? Are these considerations worthy the pain and humiliation attendant upon the mortgaging of one's soul and body? I answer no, a thousand times. But they are nevertheless usually what young men go into debt for. It is not for necessaries, for these are cheap and easily obtained even by the least favored. There is one more so-called reason why men go into debt. It is to make more money easily. It is to speculate, to gamble; to get rich speedily. As if to get wealth were to get happiness. "Can wealth give happiness? Look around and see what gay distress, what splendid misery," says Young. This desire for wealth is one of the reasons why men went into debt during the late "boom," and for which most of them have had to answer by a constant companionship of care and fear, because they have not been able to meet their promises — a care that has robbed them of sleep, strength and ambition, and stolen from them the power to accomplish good either to themselves or their families, or to The Church. Against such debt, too, such slavery and hell, every fibre of one's being should protest. It is better to live simply, dress plainly, be sparing in every EDITOR'S TABLE. 625 indulgence, even if it is harmless, than to replenish your purse for luxuries, by going into debt. Let this rather be done by lessening your desires, and by curtailing your needs. We have come to think that there is only one way to change the course of events,if our expenses are greater than the income. But there is another way to make ends meet which does not seem to have been seriously or often considered. It is to cut expenses, lessen desires, curtail needs; and without being penurious compel them to come, as far as possible, within the line of one's income, small though it be. For, as Poor Richard says: "Better go to bed supperless than rise in debt." Some have contended that it is good for a young man to go into debt, since he will then work hard to get out again, and by this system accumulate means. I do not agree with this philosophy. I believe it to be false. Any man that will work hard to get out of debt is not the kind of man that needs debt to spur him on to work. He is rather of the class who will work anyway, and to much better advantage without its withering influence. On the contrary, with most people, debt has a depressing and dulling influ- ence, and a tendency to discouragement, and even dishonesty, carrying in its wake a long train of other evils that saps ambition and destroys usefulness. Let no one, then, entice you to go into debt on the plea that it is a sure way to save money. Nor let your own arguments run in that direction, for you will surely be deceived. The advice of Benjamin Franklin should ever stand clearly before you: "Pay as you go." --^ In a recent magazine article, J. Lincoln Brooks, writing upon this subject, says: "Few young men would willingly go into debt, if they could lift the veil of the future, if they could see every step of the thorny way to which it leads. If they could see the moral degradation, the course of lying, prevarication, dishonest subterfuge to avoid meeting promised payments, which the borrowing of the first dollar * * * too often involves; if they could see the grinning phantom which robs the harassed debtor of peace by day and sleep by night, that stands forever by his side mocking at his impotence to shake off the chains by which he has bound himself, hand and foot, they would shrink back appalled 626 IMPROVEMENT ERA. from the sight; they would suffer any privation, endure any hardship, rather than become the slaves of the grim jailer, debt." Young men, learn a lesson from the recent past: get out of debt now, if you are in debt; and hereafter, let your income always exceed your expenses. Never enter into debt to save money: such a course depresses rather than exhilarates. Be free, by owning your own time; and "owe no man anything, but to love one another," if you would prosper and be happy. MOVEMENTS IN THE RELIGIOUS WORLD. During the latter part of April, and in the month of May, several important religious conferences convened in the United States. On the afternoon of the twenty-first of the former month, the greatest, and in some respects the most important, of these began its sessions in Carnegie Hall, New York. An address of welcome was given in the evening by President McKinley, on behalf of the United States. It was the Ecumenical Conference on Foreign Missions, and was composed of two thousand five hundred delegates and missionaries representing one hundred and four Protestant foreign missionary societies of all evangelical denominations. It was stated' that these societies spend fifteen million dollars a year to advance their work, exclusive of amounts spent in England and America. The leading points to be considered by these diverse religiousdenominations—for all kinds of Protestants were represented —were first, how to spend to best advantage the fifteen million; second, to stimulate the interest of Christians all over the world by an exchange of experience; third, to start a movement for co-operation in foreign lands; fourth, to eliminate redundant missions in one field. These points were strikingly emphasized by Ex-President Benjamin Harrison, who has been the honorary president of the body for the past four years. He gave an address at the opening of the conference on Saturday afternoon, in the course EDITORS TABLE. 627 of which he referred to this disunion among the Protestant sects in these words: Not the least beneficent aspect and influence of this great gathering will be found in the Christian union that it evidences. The value of this is great at home, but ten fold greater .in the mission field, where ecclesiastical divisions suggest diverse prophets. If seeing a fault is the first necessity for its remedy, it is to be hoped that the Protestant sects may soon find a way to a unity of the faith. But while this interchange of thought, and open confession of fault, may have a tendency in that direction, unity is yet afar off — it will never come, we are free to predict, as long as every man is free to form his own sect, to determine the course of the church in accordance with his own notions — as long as there is not a universally recognized' head, guided by divine revelation. Until that day comes, the Protestant Christian sects will be in the condition described by the Apostle: "ever learning, and never able to come to a knowledge of the truth." God only can unite the church; and when he does it, his edicts to the people will come through his recognized authority upon earth. There will be no division and no "diverse prophets." As long as the Protestant will not believe in revelation, thus not recognizing God as the head, but insist on giving the right of direction, interpretation and leadership to men, so long will he be sorely troubled with "ecclesiastical divisions." But this conference was not intended to pass laws or take any binding action whatever, and it would thus appear that union was not even contemplated, even on the methods of spending the money, or on eliminating redundant misssions, or on any other temporal matter, much less on the unity of the faith. But, really, there should be unity among the Protestants as a matter of self-protection. There are only naturally three churches in the Christian world. The first, the lone and despised Church which recognizes revelation and the right of God to dictate, is the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, which will in the end triumph over all, for all will recognize its power; the second is the Catholic, which claims authority by descent; and the third should be the Protestant, which claims the right to decide by men — in many instances by the votes of men — what the desire of God is. 628 IMPR0VEMEN7 ERA. The Protestant sects, if they could not unite in membership with those who believe that God has a right by revelation to dictate, might thus unite as a body politic,and form a government in which every member would have a voice and a vote. This course would save much money, much duplicate work, much worry and misunderstanding to the heathen convert in the foreign mission field, and it would greatly aid the progress of so-called Christianity in the great non-Christian world. It would multiply the power for doing the real good which is being accomplished among the heathen, in the way of education and practical work and religion. Concerning this comity in missions, Rev. H. M. King, of the American Baptist Union, said: "It seems not only unnecessary, but culpable, to transplant and perpetuate divisions which have resulted from circumstances which have long since passed away." The conference, after hearing a variety of learned papers, and listening to several foreign converts, mostly girls and women, adjourned on May 1, which day was devoted to home work for foreign'missions, dwelt upon by Governor Roosevelt on the opening day, and to the outlook and demands for the new century. Another conference was the Liberal Congress of Religions, held in Boston, April 24. This body has for its purpose to "unite in fraternal conference men and women of whatever name who believe in the application of religious principles and spiritual forces to the present problems of life," and is an outgrowth of the late Parliament of Religions, held in Chicago with which readers of the Era are thoroughly f amilar. Another important gathering is the twenty-ninth general conference of the Methodist Episcopal church —the twenty-third of the delegated congresses —which met May 2, at Chicago, and will remain in session a month. Some important questions will come before that body which is composed of some seven hundred and fifty delegates with representatives from thirteen foreign countries including Germany, Italy, Switzerland, India, China, Japan, Mexico and South America. One important question already decided is the giving of equal representation to the laity, which gives the lay delegates vote for vote with the clergy. This action really places a strong line of demarkation between the clergy and the laity, and brings the Methodists a step nearer to the hierarchy of Cathol- 1 EDITOR'S TABLE. 629 icism, as some view the question; while others maintain that it is a token that the rule of the preacher, in that church, will pass with the century. Among other questions to be considered is the removal of the ban against card-playing, dancing and theater-going. Other important religious conventions are announced as follows: Presbyterian General Assembly, St. Louis, Mo., May 17-31 Northern Baptist Anniversaries, Detroit, Mich., May 23-30; Christian Endeavor Convention, London, England, July 14-18; Baptist Union Convention, Cincinnati, 0., July 12-15; World's Student Conference, Northfield, Mass., June 29 — July 8. Federation of American Zionists, New York, June 10; the Annual Conference of Mutual Improvement Associations of The Church, Salt Lake City, Utah, June 10-12. REYNOLDS' CHART OF NEPHITE AND LAMANITE HISTORY. A Chronological Chart of Nephite and Lamanite History is the latest addition to Book of Mormon literature. It is the work of Elder George Reynolds, which fact alone is a guarantee of its accuracy and value as a map of reference. The chart, printed on heavy paper, is strongly mounted on cloth fastened to neat wooden rollers, thus making it convenient for consultation by teachers and classes in Sabbath Schools, for which use it was especially planned. On the upper margin is a chronology of contemporaneous events on the eastern continent from the time Lehi's colony left Jerusalem, in the reign of Zedekiah, 600 B. C, to the time of the ravages of the Gothic King Alaric, in Italy, A. D. 400, when Moroni recorded the death of his father, and the extinction of his people. On the lower margin is a concise Book of Mormon chronology for the same period. The center is occupied by colored plates which forcibly illustrate to the eye the changes and duration of Nephite and Lamanite rule; while above these plates, in — 630 IMPROVEMENT ERA. the order of their incumbency, are the names of the historians of the Nephites, with the periods of their terms of office. Altogether, this is a chart that will prove of much value to students of the Book of Mormon, and to teachers, in the saving of time, in the power to convey facts at a glance, and as a work of reference. It is a compact, authentic, reliable, and carefully painted word and color picture of Nephite and Lamanite history, indispensable to Sunday School and Improvement Association libraries, and of incalculable benefit to every student of the Book of Mormon. Deseret Sunday School Union, publishers, Salt Lake City, price $1.00; unmounted 25 cents.