--- title: Improvement Era description: Monthly periodical of the Mormon church, 1897 onward. This library holds the issues of November 1897 to December 1930. authors: - Tanner, J. M. collections: - periodicals tags: - magazine - improvement-era periodical: Improvement Era volume: 3 number: 4 published: 1900-02 publisher: Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations publisher_place: Salt Lake City language: en type: magazine reference: 'J. M. Tanner, "The South African War," *Improvement Era* 3, no. 4 (February 1900): 284–292.' source: url: https://archive.org/details/improvementera34unse transcription: Transcribed from the Internet Archive scan of each issue (the item for each issue is named in the issue's own source); unnumbered advertising leaves are omitted, printed page numbers are kept as page markers. identifier: improvementera34unse start_page: 284 end_page: 292 rights: status: public-domain basis: US publication 1930 or earlier (published 1900-02) source: https://archive.org/details/improvementera34unse publication_year: 1900 note: The Internet Archive item metadata carries a blanket "© Copyright by Intellectual Reserve, Inc." notice. The library owner judged it inapplicable because this issue was published in 1900, before 1931; a scan-level notice does not restore copyright. --- # The South African War THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR BY DR. J. M. TANNER, PRESIDENT OF THE STATE AGRICULTURAL COL- LEGE, LOGAN, UTAH. III. Since the declaration of war in South Africa, three months have passed, and the British, up to this date, January 11, have made practically no advance. A glance at the map of South Africa will show that the campaign has taken two directions, one for the relief of Kimberly where the diamond mines are located, on the border of the Orange Free State, in Bechuanaland; the other for the relief of Ladysmith in Natal. Both Bechuanaland and Natal are English provinces in which the Dutch are carrying on the war. On the west, the principal force is under the direction of Lord Methuen, who has been fighting his way against a stubborn resistance all the way from the Orange river to the Modder. The battle of the Modder river, in which the English lost more than eight hundred men, was perhaps the fiercest of the campaign. It resulted, however, in the repulse of the English, and Kimberly is still shut up by the Boers, and Lord Methuen unable to move. To keep open the source of supplies for the main army working for the relief of Kimberly, General Gatacre undertook to disperse the Boers who were cutting off supplies from Cape Colony, and made an attack on the Boer army at Stromberg. General Gatacre fell into a Boer ambush and was surprised by a great loss of men, although his army at the time consisted of only about four thousand soldiers. These reverses created the utmost consternation in London, THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR. 285 for the shock was entirely unexpected. The fact is, the English hardly expected that the Boers would fight, and it was thought that a little blustering diplomacy and the mobilization of an army corps would completely subdue them. It is declared that Chamberlain had no idea of the situation into which he was throwing himself and the English nation. The Conservative press, for this war belongs to the Conservative party, had freely predicted that the English soldiers would take their Christmas dinners in Pretoria the capital of the Transvaal — and Johannesburg, the objective points of the English array. The English are not yet out of their own provinces, and there are practically three English soldiers to one Boer in South Africa. In the midst of this excitement and chagrin, it was declared that the one thing necessary to restore confidence in the English army, and confidence must be promptly restored, would be the success of the armies under General Buller at Tugela river. General Buller was on his way to the relief of Ladysmith, where the Boers had ten thousand English soldiers penned up. The battle of Tugela river will remain in history a landmark in the military world.The Boers had thoroughly entrenched themselves on the north side of the river and had prepared themselves to receive General Buller's advance. The river had two fording places over which it was planned to move the English army. The army was drawn up into three divisions, and as the fording places were only about two miles apart, one section was placed in the center to cover the movements of the right and left wings of the army as they advanced to the river. Another division was sent to the left ford, but the fire of the Boers became so intense that the English made practically no headway whatever. Thereupon Buller withdrew the left wing and ordered Hildyard to throw his forces upon the right ford and force a crossing at that point. Twelve mounted cannons were sent to cover his position and Colonel Long in charge was led into an ambush. Most of the artillerymen were killed and ten of the guns had to be abandoned. Hildyard found the fire too hot to make further headway and so was obliged to withdraw, and for weeks an army of twenty thousand men has been waiting at Colenso for reinforcements. No one doubts that the English can hammer away until finally they beat down all Boer resistance, but the Boers must fight against 286 IMPROVEMENT ERA. such odds that no great renown or glory is likely to come to any English officer. The Boers have already crowned themselves with immortal glory, and have treated the world to a surprising heroism. Even those who professed the greatest familarity with the preparations of the Boers for this contest, have been greatly surprised. General Buller and Lord Methuen have lost all opportunity to crown themselves with military renown and must now yield the direction and control of this war to other hands. Lord Roberts, who has been a favored fighter for years in India, was sent recently to Africa, where he has just landed, to take charge of all the English forces. Lord Kitchener, who at the time of these defeats was in Khartoom, in upper Egypt, was at once dispatched to South Africa to act as chief aid in the staff of Lord Roberts. These new appointments, it was supposed, would restore to the English some measure of confidence in the conduct of the war. It is a remarkable circumstance, and one which illustrates the possibility of men shouldering the responsibility upon those to whom it does not properly belong. Chamberlain, Woolesley and Landsdowne in England had at the outset the direction and management of the war. They were utterly unprepared. They forced the men to the front without any adequate idea of the efforts required to overcome the Boers. Their blunder was soon manifest in the defeats of Lord Methuen and General Buller, who perhaps are less responsible for their unfortunate position today than the men at the helm in London. Nevertheless, ths responsible parties find it convenient to shift the burden of reproach. These English officers now find themselves humiliated, while it becomes necessary to appoint other men to command the armies of South Africa. Some of the losses during the first sixty days of this war make remarkable reading. During that time more than 6,300 officers and men were among the killed, wounded and missing. Lord Methuen reports his total loss at Magersfontein at 963, of which 70 were officers. General Buller reports his total loss at Colenso at 1,097. Add to this 17,000 men that are penned up at Ladysmith, Kimberly and Maf eking, and it will be seen how successfully the Boers, within less than sixty days, put more than 28,000 British soldiers hors de combat. This is one of the most remarkable showings in the history of modern warfare. The English them- THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR. 287 selves fully sense the terrible humiliation, not to say the immense losses they have sustained. The London Standard, an English authority, makes a plain statement of the case. In its summary of the 10th of January, it says: Well, the campaign has lasted three months. We have something like 120,000 troops in South Africa. With huge army distributed this over the country, we are still powerless to relieve three garrisons from investment. We have still to see large portions of both colonies in the hands of the enemy. We have driven the invaders back at no single point. We are actually farther from the hostile frontiers than we were on the day that the ultimatum was delivered. The war which ministers believed could be effectively performed with 25,000 men has not been done, has not even been begun, by four or five times that number. Can anyone fail to admit that this is evidence of a grave miscalculation of forces and facts? These reverses have lead to fraternal outbursts of exultation on the part of the Boers in Cape Colony, and threaten new difficulties for the English there. All over the continent there is a general exultation over Boer successes, and even in the United States, which only recently has been boasting of English sympathy, the people are more or less sympathetic with the Boers. In England the newspapers discuss the gravity of the situation with the most profound apprehension. They speak of the dangers of the British empire, and every effort is made to arouse a patriotic enthusiasm throughout the land, as if England were being overwhelmed in a struggle against fearful odds. These outbursts upon the great gravity of the situation would be amusing, were it not for the loss of lives and treasure, when one considers that the forces against whom the English are contending are not as numerous as the inhabitants of some insignificant suburban English town. Of course, if there is no interference, the results of this war can be as certainly now foretold as at any time, since they are sure to be favorable to the English. Complications, however, may arise, and we are now facing discussions of what Europe may do. Will Europe interfere? The state of the European mind at present, to say the least, is very inflammable. The British at Aden recently seized the German mail ship, General, and undertook to 288 IMPROVEMENT ERA. search it for contraband of war. This seizure was regarded as unwarrantable from the fact that the manifest, or bill of lading, clearly indicated that no such articles were on board- This event gave rise to almost universal agitation throughout Germany, where the more excitable classes called for public meetings in which to denounce the conduct of the British. The government official and semi-official organs decried the agitation and begged the people to consider what the effects of rash and inconsiderate action might be to the German nation. This sudden and violent outbreak indicates in a large measure the condition of public sentiment throughout all Europe. It is not too much to say that England is without a sympathizer in all the continent. There is the strongest feeling that the war was wholly unjustifiable, and there is a manifest delight in all news announcing the success of the Boers. The German emperor himself has recently made a tour to Great Britain for the purpose, it was said, of visiting his royal grandmother. It is cer- tain, however, that the emperor himself desires his country to main- tain a neutral position, and he is the supreme master in foreign affairs. Notwithstanding the arbitrary power in all foreign investigations vested in his royal highness, it is nevertheless believed that he would yield to a strong and persistent sentiment in favor of action against Great Britain. It would be exceedingly unfortunate for the English, at this time, to aggravate in any manner the sensibilities of any of the great European powers. The Dual Alliance, that is, France and Russia, are fairly agreed that there is ample justification for their interference, and for the present Germany is practically the arbiter of a general European conflict. England had evidently anticipated the dangers of opposition in Europe and had done her utmost to conciliate the Germans, who, the English well knew, held the key to the situation. The English had recently given up the most important of the Samoan group of islands, and no doubt as a sop to the Germans whose neutrality they counted upon in a conflict for which they had been preparing in the Transvaal. Will history repeat itself? This is the question now put by those who remember the circumstances of English interference during the Turko-Russian war in 1878. The Turks had shocked all Europe through the Bulgarian massacres, and the shock was so violent in Russia that a war ensued. It was a war in the interest THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR. 289 of Christianity and civilization — incidentally perhaps— but it was a war for the conquest of Constantinople. English sentiment had been strongly against the Turks, and Gladstone in the fiercest denunciations set forth with strongest feelings the Christian condemnation as it manifested itself towards the Mohammedans. Russia, however, prosecuted the war single-handed and made her way, step by step, in the face of the most stubborn resistance, over the Balkans. Russia had been terribly punished in the loss of treasure and life, but had finally succeeded in driving the Turks back to San Stephano, a town about six miles from Constantinople. The shining spires and towering minarets offered a cheerful welcome to the Russian troops, who had fought for many months at great loss and sacrifice in order that they might reach the goal of their martial struggle. The Russians felt that they were entitled to the fruits of their victory; their achievements entitled them, as they felt, to the honor of a triumphant march through the streets of Constantinople. It was at this point that England called a halt. She not only offered her intercession in the interest of peace, but threatened the bombardment of the city and an attack upon the Russian troops if another step were taken. It was not right in her opinion for Russia to enter the city of Constantinople. The just and proper thing, as she viewed it, was for the Russians to accept such a treaty of peace as the great powers might decide upon, and for that reason appealed to arbitration, and the conference in the city of Berlin was held. Poor Russia! She had fought desperately for months with the sanction of all Europe. She felt herself entitled to the fruits of her victories, but found herself compelled to yield to the dictates of a British policy. The conference was held. It resulted in the liberation of Bulgaria, and the loss of territory to the Turkish empire. Of this territory, Russia received comparatively little for all her efforts. England, because she commanded the situation, took the island of Cyprus; and Austria, who had simply looked on, was in the position of a fortunate bystander into whose arms the provinces of Herzegovina and Bosnia were thrown. Suppose that when England has made her way to a position within shooting range of the forts of Pretoria, the Russians should call a halt; and then, in the interest of international peace and equity in behalf of the Boer race, demand that the Transvaal ques- 290 IMPROVEMENT ERA tion be submitted to the arbitration of some European conference. Russia has no fleet and no armies near Pretoria in the Transvaal to enforce such a demand. At this point the similitude ceases. Russia would be obliged to attack England elsewhere. Those who appreciate the complications in the east understand perfectly well where this attack would be. Russia is moving in three directions towards distinctively objective points. In the first place, she intends to make her way through Persia and find an outlet for her commerce on the Persian gulf. She is crowding her interests on the Afghan frontier, and means some day to attack England in India. In the third place, Russia is making great headway in China, and would crowd her interests upon the English in that empire. England could not very well spare the soldiers necessary to take Pretoria if she had to meet Russia in the far east. In the way of Russian interference, however, lies an inferior Russian navy, which, in a single combat with England, would be entirely swept from the seas. This navy has been built up at a considerable cost, and Russia would not consent to its entire loss without assurances of ample and extended compensations elsewhere. If Russia interferes, she proposes to make the interference substantial, both with her land army and with her navy. To secure her navy against destruction, there is but one course open to her, and that is an alliance with France and Germany. It is thought by some that the navies of these two countries would at least hold their own against England. With the German navy thrown in, they feel absolute security. Will Germany interfere? France is in a mood to undertake the struggle, and the best critics of European thought contend that a friendly eifort in a common cause against England is possible between France and Germany. Sometime ago General Marchand hoisted the French flag at Fashoda, upper Egypt. England demanded an immediate and complete surrender, and forced upon France abject humiliation. The French have not forgotten Fashoda, and the public sentiment of the republic is not only strong but bitter against England. Russia remembers San Stephano, and the Fashoda incident is too recent to be forgotten. In a general conflict, Russia could remunerate herself in China, Afghanistan, and perhaps Turkey. Her reward in the far east THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR. 291 would be so substantial that Russia could well afford to surrender to Germany the Baltic provinces, provinces inhabited largely by people of German descent under the rule of Russia. Russia might give up some of Poland, and in a readjustment, or future partition, to be made in Africa, Germany might receive there substantial rewards. France's reward is not so apparent. She could not hope to recover in a readjustment her Rhine provinces. France would have to find satisfaction in Africa. In the first place, if England could be defeated, it would be highly satisfactory to the naval powers to compel the British empire to surrender her forts at Gibraltar. France, perhaps, would be glad to turn these over to Spain, as they might be desirable to that country in exchange for the Spanish forts at Ceuta, in northern Africa. Ceuta is one of the pillars of Hercules and within cannon range of Gibraltar, almost as valuable as Gibraltar itself in the commanding position it would occupy upon the Mediterranean. France would also seek compensation upon the African continent by a change of boundary lines, but would perhaps be most anxious to secure further concessions in China. These general speculations are the inducements which are just now very generally discussed throughout Europe, inducements that would lead to European interference. Italy could not and would not interfere. While Italy is not an ally of England, yet there is a historic friendship which Italy could not very well disregard. Besides, Italy is not an important factor, nor is Austria, although it would be generally expected that Austria would cast her sword in the German balance. While these are the general combinations that might be effected in Europe, and the dangers in a general uprising that might threaten the British empire, England, on the other hand, would naturally seek alliances among those countries of whose friendship she boasts. England evidently counts upon the friendship of Japan whose navy has already reached considerable importance. But England would unquestionably count upon some assistance from the United States, and especially from her colonies. Could or would the United States be a party to such an arrangement? At the time the Spanish war broke out, England had already under consideration the complications which have since arisen. England has felt for some time that a European alliance against her movements 292 IMPROVEMENT ERA. was not an impossibility, and has made every effort to defeat that alliance by courting German friendship and boasting of her blood relations over the sea. English diplomacy and shrewdness mani- fested itself in an early declaration on the part of England that she would not permit any European power to interfere against the United States in its war with Spain. This declaration implied two things: English friendship and the possibility, if not the prob- ability, of European interference. There was really no likelihood of any interference on the part of any European countries in the Spanish war. There was some newspaper criticism, but such newspapers constituted those free lances for whose sallies no government can really be responsible. France was a creditor of Spain,and Spanish bankruptcy would mean a great loss to the French. But no one can suppose, on any ground whatever, that France or Germany or Austria for one moment contemplated an interference in the Spanish war between the United States and Spain. But the English declaration served its purpose well, and at once awakened feelings of appreciation and kindly expressions throughout the United States. Perhaps England counted too much upon those expressions. At any rate England has not found the sympathy which she must have expected in this country when she undertook the war against the Boers. Generally speaking, the sympathy, if not so pronounced in this country as in Europe, is for the most part in favor of the people of the Transvaal. From present appearences, it is not unlikely that the war in the Transvaal will last for some time. In the meantime, England must exercise the utmost caution to prevent a European alliance, and especially must England avoid any offense to the Germans. While it does not seem likely that the continental powers will enter into any alliance or make any demands upon the English, an alliance is still a possibility. Diplomacy must count upon it, and direct its efforts accordingly.