---
title: Improvement Era
description: Monthly periodical of the Mormon church, 1897 onward. This library holds the issues of November 1897 to December 1930.
authors:
  - Stanford, T. Y.
collections:
  - periodicals
tags:
  - magazine
  - improvement-era
periodical: Improvement Era
volume: 2
number: 7
published: 1899-05
publisher: Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations
publisher_place: Salt Lake City
language: en
type: magazine
reference: 'Stanford, T. Y., "Two Claimants to the Throne of France," *Improvement Era* 2, no. 7 (May 1899): 513–516.'
source:
  url: https://archive.org/details/improvementera27unse
  transcription: Transcribed from the Internet Archive scan of each issue (the item for each issue is named in the issue's own source); unnumbered advertising leaves are omitted, printed page numbers are kept as page markers.
  identifier: improvementera27unse
start_page: 513
end_page: 516
rights:
  status: public-domain
  basis: US publication 1930 or earlier (published 1899-05)
  source: https://archive.org/details/improvementera27unse
  publication_year: 1899
  note: The Internet Archive item metadata carries a blanket "© Copyright by Intellectual Reserve, Inc." notice. The library owner judged it inapplicable because this issue was published in 1899, before 1931; a scan-level notice does not restore copyright.
---

# Two Claimants to the Throne of France

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TWO CLAIMANTS TO THE THRONE OF
                              FRANCE.

                      BY T. Y. STANFORD, OGDEN.

     The sudden death, on the sixteenth of February last, of the
chief excutive of France, Francois Felix Faure, and the election of
a successor, amid much uproar, in the person of Emile Loubet>
precipitated a state of affairs which for a time threatened the peace
if not the   safety of that republic.   Happily, however, the crisis
passed without any calamitous results and the Third Republic still
lives and moves a national entity of presumable soundness.
     To some thoughtful minds these periodical outbursts of illfeeling among the French against the present government are but
the distant rumblings of an approaching storm that will ere long
strike with irresistible force its institutions and dash them to pieces,
and upon their ruins we will see the re-establishment of the monarchy.
     As to whether France will ever again welcome back a monarchial form of government only the future can       tell.   This   much
can be said, though, that just so long as the monarchists are the
                                        —
formidable party that they are today with a thorough and active
organization in every town and hamlet of any importance throughout France, and many influential newspapers subservient to their
interest   —just so long   will the stability and might of the republic
be in jeopardy.
     The monarchists represent the claims of two dynasties, the
Bourbon and Bonaparte,and are consequently divided into two classes,
or parties, distinguished by the names of Bourbons, or Orleanists,
and Bonapartists.

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514                      IMPROVEMENT ERA.

       The present head of the house of Bourbon, and who hopes
one day to wear the crown of his ancestors, is Prince Robert, Duke
of Orleans, a young man of thirty-two.      An exile from his country
and people, he makes his home the most part of his time on the
Isle of Wight,  an English possession.
     The history of the Orleanist princes in banishment can not be
said to be replete with any very stirring events.     The only incidents worthy  of mention  are those relating to the Comte de Paris,
father of Prince Rober, and his brother Duke de Chartres, coming
in 1860 to the United States and serving under General McClellan
in the War of the Rebellion; a published      account of that great
internecine struggle from the pen of the Comte de Paris; the tender of the service of the aforesaid princes to the government for
the national defense at the time when the victorious forces of Germany were advancing on Paris, which tender was rejected; and the
unification of the claims of the elder and younger branches of the
house of Bourbon in the person of the Comte de Paris at Goritz,
in 1873.
       When in 1871 the third republic was well on its way as the
successor of the second empire, among some of the generous things
that were done, was the removal of the ban of exilement against
the Orleanist family, also the restoration of their property which
was confiscated when they made their memorable flight from France
in 1848.      Their return to France, however, was not for long.     One
night, in Paris, the Comte de Paris gave a magnificent reception in
honor of the birth of a son to the king and queen of Portugal, the
queen being a prominent and admired member of the Orleanist
family.    At this reception was to be seen some of the best mentality of the political, military and religious circles of France.    A
well-known journalist connected with one of the great dailies in commenting on the event the following day, said that among other
noticeable things he saw in that splendid gathering the material out
of which could be formed a monarchial government, of surpassing
brilliance.

    These words cost the Orleanist princes France as a place in
which to abide. The radicals, stern and unrelenting foes to imperialism, took them up and harped upon them long and loud.  They
assumed to see in this fete of the Comte de Paris a well disguised

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TWO CLAIMANTS TO THE THRONE OF FRANCE.                          515

attempt to promote the imperialist cause.        They demanded of the
government that the law of 1871 granting permission to the Orleanist family to re-enter France be forthwith repealed.  In the chamber of deputies and in the senate the proposition was debated pro
and con with much persistence and rancor.          Finally the government, reluctantly be it said, acceededto the demand of the radicals,
the law was repealed, and once again was witnessed the pathetic
spectacle of the descendants of the longest line of kings that ever
ruled in France driven out to seek an asylum in an alien land.
Before leaving France, forever as    it   proved to be, the Comte de
Paris issued an address to his countrymen.       It was couched in words

of sorrow, anger    and warning.      I   herewith append the      most
salient portion of it, and for its obtainment, as well     as for other
information made use of in this article,     I   am indebted to a well
written brochure on this subject by Charles Haumont:

    "My enemies pursue in me the monarchist principle which has been
confided to me by him who so nobly preserved it.    They seek to separate
from France the chief of the glorious family which has directed its destinies for nine centuries, and which, associated with the people in good
and bad fortune alike, has established its greatness and prosperity."
     "The republic is afraid. In attacking me, it points me out. I have
confidence in France.    At the decisive hour, I shall be ready."

     From France the Comte de Paris and family proceeded direct
to the Isle of Wight.
     In Prince Victor Napoleon,      born in 1862, son of Prince
Napoleon and nephew of Napoleon III, reposes the heirship of the
Napoleonic dynasty, a dynast which for its sudden and remarkable
rise and the brilliancy of its record has no equal in all the history
of reigning families.    The succession passed to Prince Victor's side
of the family with the extinction of the two reigning branches of
this wonderful house.    Strange to relate, this extinction transpired
within half a century.    With the death of the young Duke of
Reichstadt, in 1832, ended the issue of Napoleon I, and the tragic
fate of Prince Louis Napoleon in an African jungle, in 1879, witnessed the termination of the line of Napoleon III.
     The present heir lives in Brussels, Belgium, and leads a life
exceptionally free from ostentation.      Like the other claimant of

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516                       IMPROVEMENT ERA.

the throne he encourages the belief that he will one day live and
rule in Paris. Occasionally he issues a proclamation, circumspect
in word and tone, to his supporters,       and at times royally entertains
visiting deputations of his sympathizing countrymen.
     Louis Napoleon reached the throne through the medium of the
republic.    First elected a deputy, then advanced to the presidency,
and finally to the throne as Emperor of the French. This mode of
procedure Prince Victor should adopt when he makes the attempt
to restore the Napoleonic regime, so advises one wing of the Bonapartists   —the party   is divided into two wings       —while the other wing
insists that when the time is ripe he immediately place himself up-

on the throne as Napoleon V.
     Out of the Boulanger movement of 1888, the most noteworthy
one inaugurated against the third republic since its incipiency, the
monarchists especially the Bonapartists, confidently looked for results that would tend materially to the enhancement of their cause.
It was said,    and well authenticated, that Prince Napoleon was in
league with General Boulanger.       An ill-starred affair this movement demonstrated itself to be.       Ushered into existence in a state
of incompleteness and manifest weakness it lived, as it were, but a
day and then suddenly expired.        If    General Boulanger had been
endowed with anything like the masterful qualities which Napoleon
the Great possessed, he might have succeeded in his ambitious design
of overthrowing the republic.   Woefully deficient in those qualities
            —
he failed miserably failed. The republic met the situation with,
strength and energy and gained a complete victory. The monarchial power in France suffered a signal defeat.    The chief actor
in this one of life's   dramas, Boulanger, breathed his last          —a   sui-
   —on the grave of the woman with whom he had consorted for
cide
many years —his mistress.
       The monarchists in advocacy of their claim that the monarchical principle should dominate in France argue in brief thus:              The
republic has demonstrated a palpable weakness not only in one department of its government but in          all.   It    has created numerous
useless but expensive offices and filled them with men who look more
to their own sordid interests than they do to the weal of the              commonwealth.       Scandals most unsavory and            money   speculations deplorable have been conspicuously rife.            The labor question, a grave
