--- title: Improvement Era description: Monthly periodical of the Mormon church, 1897 onward. This library holds the issues of November 1897 to December 1930. authors: - Tanner, J. M. collections: - periodicals tags: - magazine - improvement-era periodical: Improvement Era volume: 1 number: 12 published: 1898-10 publisher: Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations publisher_place: Salt Lake City language: en type: magazine reference: 'J. M. Tanner, "Bismarck", *Improvement Era* 1, no. 12 (October 1898): 881–895.' source: url: https://archive.org/details/improvementera112unse transcription: Transcribed from the Internet Archive scan of each issue (the item for each issue is named in the issue's own source); unnumbered advertising leaves are omitted, printed page numbers are kept as page markers. identifier: improvementera112unse start_page: 881 end_page: 895 rights: status: public-domain basis: US publication 1930 or earlier (published 1898-10) source: https://archive.org/details/improvementera112unse publication_year: 1898 note: The Internet Archive item metadata carries a blanket "© Copyright by Intellectual Reserve, Inc." notice. The library owner judged it inapplicable because this issue was published in 1898, before 1931; a scan-level notice does not restore copyright. --- # Bismarck BISMARCK. BY PROFESSOR J. M. TANNER, PRESIDENT OF THE AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE, LOGAN, UTAH. The light of a great life has just gone out, and the world looks in retrospect with feelings of sublime admiration upon one of the greatest characters of this or any other century. Bismarck stands at the end of the century as Napoleon stood at the beginning, the personality par excellence of all Europe. How he began, how he pursued, and how he ended life is at this moment occupying the attention of all thoughtful students of history. He was born April ist, 1815, the year of Waterloo, at Schonhausen, which had then recently been the scene of French vandalism. His country was emerging from national despair and humiliation in its war of liberation If the spirit of the times had any inheritance to transmit to Bismarck, it was the legacy of national shame and the hatred of a foreign foe; shame because of the helplessness of a divided and jealous people, and hatred because of the contempt which a united people displayed in its treatment of a defeated and prostrate enemy. Bismarck's father was an officer of the Prussian typestrong in physical powers, and devoted to military duties and out of door life. Noblemen of those days entered the army at the age of twelve, and education beyond that period was often deemed unnecessary. On the other hand his mother was a woman of inherited talents and superior gifts. She was ambitious that her children should enjoy the privileges of higher education. Her ancestors were eminent for their cul- ture and high aims in life, thus it became her son's boast later in life that the blood of Leipsic professors flowed in his veins. The influence of a mother's sympathies and aspirations in his behalf never left him, and when national distinction came, he regretted deeply that she could not live to enjoy the fruits of her ambition in the hopes she had always entertained for his achievements in life. At the age of six he entered private school where he began preparations which led up to his university life. The record of his early school days seems to have been more creditable to his love of learning than that which attached to his university life. During his university career he devoted himself enthusiastically to the peculiar habits of student life in Germany, and became a noted duelist, beer drinker and smoker. He was a good horseman and swimmer and loved out-of-door sports in which he indulged excessively. His was a strong and daring spirit, carrying him often beyond the control of school regulations. He was brave physically and morally, and became the champion of all that was national and ideal in German life. It is said that his first duel was with an Eng- lishman who put on a dressing gown of 36 rags and tatters, thus alluding to the 36 flags of that number of independent German sovereigns. In 1833 Bismarck left Gottingen to attend the University of Berlin where the celebrated jurist, Savigny, was lecturing. His certificate from Gottingen upon his departure can hardly be regarded as altogether satisfactory. It runs as follows: "We, the prorector and senate of Royal Britannic-Hanoverian George Agustus University, certify by these presents, that Otto Leopold von Bismarck of Schonhausen, entered this university as a student of German Jurisprudence on the loth of May, 1832, and remained here as a student until the present date. As regards his conduct, it is to be noted that in addition to reprimands for minor offences he has, on several occasions, been sentenced to confinement. It was during his university days at Gottingen that a life long friendship was begun between him and our noted American author, John Lothrop Motley. Whatever doubts may be cast upon the thoroughness of Bismarck's university training, it is evident that his studies were fully supplemented by a vast BISMARCK. 883 Store of learning acquired in subsequent life. He picked up, without doubt, many threads of political and historic thought, which he studiously and carefully followed in his duties to the affairs of state. Upon leaving the university, he passed the examination as Auscultator, assistant advocate, but does not seem to have been successful as a lawyer, or to have possessed abilities or inclinations in that direction. An interesting anecdote is told of one of his earliest experiences in the court where he was acting as protocolist or clerk. A witness and litigant was impertinent in his behavior on the stand. Bismarck's high sense of propriety was awakened, whereupon, he indignantly exclaimed, "Behave yourself, sir, or I shall turn you out." "Turning out is my affair," said the magistrate rather pettishly as he tapped Bismarck on the shoulder. The witness grew more impudent, when Bismarck broke in with the second interruption: "If you don't behave yourself properly, I shall have you turned out by the magistrate." Other minor official appointments came to him, but he grew restless under the restraint of official life, and after a short period of travel and military duties, he returned to his estates to enjoy the woodlands, and the manly sports of a country life. Here it is said he passed a period of reckless daring in which he devised all sorts of schemes which attracted public attention, and disturbed the even tenor of people's ways. He moved from place to place, enjoying such social pastimes as he found congenial to his restless nature. In letters to his sister there are revealed here and there the boundless energies of those days, and a few glimpses of the squire's courtship. In one he says: "I have made the acquaintance of There are . moments when she is as beautiful as a picture, but she soon loses her complexion and grows red faced. I was in love with her for twenty-four hours." Soon thereafter, his heart was won by Miss Johanna von Puttkamer, whose pious parents were averse to the very thought of a union between this wild country squire and their angelic daughter. He wrote the parents to whom he made known his preferences. A direct reply was evaded, and Bismarck was invited to call. This was fatal to all their objec- tions, for his irresistible address and persuasion were too much for their opposition. The marriage proved to be a happy and inspired union. Her calm modest life became a port of refuge in the midst of a rough and stormy sea upon which his political bark had set sail. On their wedding tour he met and dined with the king, Frederick William IV. at Venice. The king then decided to make use of Bismarck's talents, but the king's mind subsequently gave way, and the regency passed to his brother. Prince William, who afterwards became King of Prussia, and Emperor of Germany. However much the curious may be attracted en passant by the early life of Bismarck, his service to his country and to the world at large, must be sought in his political career. His early life does not commend itself as a guide to ambitious aspirations in these times; but Bismarck's life was the life of his times, intensified by a strong nature which made all that he did and said appear excessive to us. Nor was his early life in any way prophetic of his future. Thirty years passed with no promises of greatness. The political discussions of his university days were animated by the thought of political unification of all Germany. If he ever entertained any thought of a republican Germany, it was dispelled by his earliest efforts to give direction and force to his political ideas. Europe in these days was absorbed in discussions of constitutionalism, which was enthusiastically advocated in the universities of Germany. Indeed, there was an expressed belief among the most intelligent of the nation that Germany should have a constitution. To many the English government was the highest type, and one that should be imitated, if not adopted by the Fatherland. In the midst of these discussions, Bismarck clearly saw that force was the fundamental requisite of German unity, that a strong and well disciplined army was necessary to the achievements of the glories portrayed in the academic and parliamentary discussions of his time. He was not averse to the forms of government found in England and the United States, but he was quick to perceive the different conditions upon which these governments were based. BISMARCK. 885 "Give us everything English which we do not have; English piety, English respect for the law; give us the entire English Constitution, but with it, at the same time, all the conditions of English land-lordism, English wealth and common sense, — and especially an English lower house, in brief, all that we do not possess,and then I will say, 'You can rule us in the English way.' But even then I would not deem it incumbent on the Prussian crown to let itself be forced into the powerless position of the English one, which looks more like an ornamental cupola of the state edifice, while in ours I recognize the central and supporting column." Among his earliest political and diplomatic experiences was that of envoy to the Federal Diet held at Frankfort. This Diet was a sort of German conference in which the mutual interests of a multitude of German states were discussed. It was a sort of American Confederation after the Revolution. It might make all sorts of recommendations which the German states treated respectfully or otherwise according to their interests and inclination. At this Diet one of the strong characteristics of Bismarck's life became manifest in his expressed contempt for the habits of political duplicity which prevailed so universally among his fellow members, of whom he said that he was never misled by them because he never believed them. An estimate of his opinion of the Diet may be taken from the following words: "I am making great strides at the art of saying nothing in a great many words. With us Prussians each man sings his own song, slanders the others and writes special reports to Berlin, but if ever I come to stand on my own legs here, I shall either cleanse my field of weeds or go home again more than suddenly. Here, however, he began to manifest those qualities of oratory and logic that became so conspicuous in the masterly efforts of his later life.However indifferently he may have spoken of these reports, some of his own made strong impressions on the mind of the king for they thoroughly revealed the great discriminating powers of his mind. From this Diet Bismarck was called into diplomatic life as embassador to St. Petersburg. Here he was successful in ingratiating himself into the court by his interest in the study of the Russian language. He realized too, at that early period, that Russia was a natural, and might be a very helpful ally to Prussia. From Prussia he was sent to Paris. Paris at this time under the Emperor Napoleon, was the center of diplomatic life in Europe. French was a European language. The diplomacy and the brilliancy of the court surpassed that found in any other capital on the continent. Although Bismark's stay at Paris was short, he made a thorough study of the situation. He knew that some day questions of vast national importance between Prussia and France must be settled either in a peaceful or hostile manner. Napoleon, it seems, failed to appreciate Bismarck's qualities which were characterized by forceful rather than by gaulic wit, when he referred to Bismarck as a fool. This expression must have been a thorn in his flesh when at Bismarck's feet he sensed a humiliation and disgrace which his own follies had brought upon him. Now came the critical period in Prussia's history.The hour had come and the man must be found. The Prussians had been granted a constitution, and the king now found himself in conflict with a stubborn parliament. Bismarck had seen that the future policy of his country must be one of — blood and iron -ferro et igni as he expressed it. Success, in his judgment, rested upon the army and king rather than upon the judgment of parliament. It was a time for action and not for deliberation. The responsibilities were upon the executive; but parliament, or the reichstag, interrupted the policy of the king. Sensible of the power which it held over the purse strings, it proposed accordingly to control, according to its judgment, the military arm of the government. The conflict made the achievement of the king's policy impossible. What was to be done ? Could a minister be found who could rule without this parliament? The king and his counsellors turned instinctively to Bismarck, who was at once summoned from France. He now became Minister President. He had crossed therubicon. This was in September, 1862. The ensuing struggle was to make or unmake Bismarck, whose bold and fearless championship of force commended him to the confidence of his master. Money was needed. The army had been increased and must be maintained. Parliament would maintain it only in its own way — the wrong way. The machinery of — government was blocked, the king and the council of state BISMARCK. 887 on one side, and parliament on the other. Something must be done. If any reasons could be given for doing it, so much the better, if not it must be done any way. There may be sophistry in the reasons, but they sufficed. Bismarck announced that it was a case of two against one,— the king and the council against parliament; hence the majority should have its own way. The revenues of the country were under the control of the executive; use them. Let the reichstag protest providing there was no menace in the protest. But there was, and this menace must be stamped out. All the machinery of the government was brought to bear. It was a reign of terror. Members were imprisoned, the court browbeaten, and the press muzzled. The government went on without the parliamentary budgets; the army was strengthened, a more perfect organization justified, and a vigorous foreign policy was taken up. Austria might make objections, might protest, but she could not help herself. Prussia would neither recognize Austrian leadership in the Federal Diet, nor withdraw from that council. In dispute with the Austrian minister, Bismarck had gone so far as to offer an alternative of war, which then became iminent, but was postponed because of the war which broke out with Denmark, and which was carried on against that country by the united armies of Prussia and Austria. The war resulted in the acquisition of the two provinces of Schleswig and Holstein; provinces which subsequently became the bone of contention between Austria and Prussia, and finally a causus belli. An insurrection broke out in Russian Poland. Bismarck at once entered into what was known as the February Convention with St. Petersburg, in order to suppress the rebellion which he feared might extend to Prussian Poland. He felt that Russia was not prompt enough in its suppression, and rendered Russia aid by stationing soldiers on the frontier to prevent the Poles escaping into Prussia. European sympathies were with the Poles, but Bismarck paid no attention to sentiment in politics. Perhaps the real cause of Bismarck's intervention was not any very serious fears which he entertained for an uprising in Prussian Poland, but afar-seeing policy of securing Russian favor in time to come. Bismarck now became in Europe what the parliamentary struggles had made him in Prussia, "the best hated man in the world." The French press was full of protests, and the English were aroused to public indignation. Undoubtedly the attitude of the English misled the Poles in the belief that the English would support them in their rebellion. Of this exciting period, Lowe in his biography of Bismarck says: "Lord John Russel instructed Sir Andrew Buchanan to inform Bismarck of the indignation aroused in England by Prussia's unjustifiable intervention, and to demand a copy of the February Convention. But such a de- — mand was now addressed to the wrong man altogether, as Lord John discovered to his infinite surprise. The truth is that England had not yet learned the supreme wisdom of letting other nations mind their own business, and of strictly confining herself to the management of her own. Prussia fought its budgetless war with Denmark and was triumphant, but the reichstag would not yield, and condemnations were still rife. The time came when Austria must either yield her place as the leader of the confederation, or submit the decision of her claim to arms. The result was the war with Austria in which the army by its brilliant victories sustained the policy of the great Iron Chancellor, whose indomitable will had made it the greatest military force in Europe. Prussia was now covered with glory, — the glory of her army. The military man was the hero of the hour, and the significance of parliamentary discussions were lost to public view. In the midst of this national exultation over military achievements, a popular election was held to select representatives of the reichstag. Bismark's policy had made this achievement possible. From being the best hated man in Europe, he became a national hero, and the world paid its tardy recognition to his great genius. Bismarck might now have anything he asked for. Money was voted in profusion, and a law passed ratifying the irregularity of Bismarck's budgetless rule. The nation was quick to bestow upon Bismarck the honors of this success, because primarily the responsibility and the venture fell upon him. At first the king grew fearful and shrank from the apparent dangers, pointing out to Bismarck how easily he and his ministers might lose their heads, but BISMARCK. 889 With Bismarck it was only the case of offering life for the good of his country. This, patriots and soldiers had done upon the field of battle. His inspiring words and high assurances gave renewed energies to the drooping soul of the monarch. The crowned prince had been filled with consternation, and protested against what he considered a menace to his right of succession. It was all of no use; the Ship of State had been entrusted to the man of "blood and iron," into whose keeping the king had placed the destinies of his life as well as the destiny of the state. The nation recognized this, and the world soon learned whose masterful genius it was that was carrying Prussia on to national and world renowned glory. Pride now did for France what it had done for Austria, and the French submitted their pretensions and the highest national honor and influence to the arbiter of war. If the world was surprised at Sadowa, it was doubly as- tonished at Sedan. A few months and the German armies had encircled Paris. While the volatile mobs of Paris were shouting, "On, on to Berlin," the German armies were steadily moving across the Rhine. The glory of German armies was unbounded; the military history of the world had never recorded such a spectacle. All that Bismarck had asked was that Prussia might be left alone, and the world now justified his policy of Russian friendship when the Tsar informed Austria that if she fell upon the Prussians, Russia would mobilize her troops. The declaration of the Franco-Prussian war had brought to arms all the German states. France had been from the earliest times a common foe to Germany. Unity of action against a common foe became the birth of Imperial Germany, and in the magnificent palace at Versailles, Emperor William, King of Prussia, was crowned Emperor of Germany. The dream of Bismarck's life was now realized; he had united Germany. His policy from the beginning had been vindicated. No man raised his voice against the wisdom of an imperial rule, but carping critics still plied their vocation by condemning the means through which these national purposes had been realized. He was right but his philosophy was wrong. It was jesuistic to their minds in that the end justified the means. They would have the empire an accomplished fact, but not by the only means by which that fact could be accomplished. It is hardly neccessary to say that Bismarck had no such philosophy, declaring himself in the face of these circumstances an opportunist who had no fixed political theories, but who disposed of all questions of state to the best interests of the Fatherland, and for the promotion of the great aim which he and his patriotic followers had in view. On the field of diplomacy, Bismarck had won every battle. The nation saw that Bismarck had always been right and the reichstag always wrong. No man questioned that Bismarck was the first diplomat of this or any other age; but did his life's work not end here? Did the new condition of things not call for other talents than those which the iron chancellor had manifested in so high a degree? The empire now founded must be consolidated, and advanced by a promotion of the financial and political interests of the country. Political freedom must be maintained, and in their judgment, by others better qualified than Bismarck to judge the highest political rights and privileges of man. National financiering must be carried on. What did Bismarck know of finance? Another struggle became inevitable. The reichstag represented the local interests of the empire, and according to its judgment the new policy now demanded by the imperial government could best be promoted by its deliberated wisdom. Bismarck had ruled successfully without the reichstag, could he now successfully rule with it? The Constitution which gave rise to the German reichstag was largely of his own making, so that to the imperial constitutional rule, he was unequivocally bound. A new question arose; could he cover himself with glory as a parliamentarian to the same degree that he had glorified himself as a diplomat? The question was somewhat problematical for the foreign relations of Germany were multiplied in numbers and in importance under the empire. These foreign relations were still entrusted to him and were sufficient to engage a single individual of the highest powers, moral and physical. In addition, however, to these onerous duties, Bismarck gave direction to the internal development of the empire. Thus almost every impor- BISMARCK. 891 tant question of state must be mastered by him in detail, and he entered upon the career of a parliamentarian with more unsolved problems than has fallen to the lot perhaps of any statesman in the world. The German reichstag is composed of innumerable parties whose grouping can be accomplished by a masterful mind, who undertakes to direct all the affairs of state, only by the most consummate skill. The government or the executive now assumed the initiative in the most important affairs of the state. These proposed measures were carried through often with the greatest difficulty. In the midst of these new struggles the overtowering genius of Bismarck again asserted itself, and it is doubtful whether in any country a parliamentarian more tactful or more forceful can be found. Some of his speeches are models of oratory and logic. His illustrations are from every field of history. He is never academic, never pedantic. One of his greatest efforts was his debate on the Septinate bill of 1886; but the parliamentary combination defeated him in advance. In this celebrated speech, however, he not only recognized the attitude and strength of his opponents, but appealed in an historical resume of his own life, to the will of the people to whom he evidently intended to submit the question for their decision. His sagacity had pointed out to him at the time the imperial constitution was framed, the value of an appeal by way of referendum to the decision of a popular vote. He was their national hero, and why should they not be called upon to vindicate him when their representatives became successful in their opposition. In this supposition he was right, for no sooner had the reichstag voted against this proposed measure of the government, then it was prorouged, and an appeal was made to the people for the re-election of members who would justify his demands. A new reichstag was more pliable, and responded by a large majority to his demands. Most writers feel inclined to compare Bismarck with other great historic personages. But any historical comparison that shall be valuable must be within the realm of his sphere. To compare Bismarck with Beethoven or Mozart, the great musicians, would scarcely be more absurd than some comparisons which have been made by his character sketchers. In the first place, Bismarck was not a military genius, and though he had evidently military ambitions, he never assumed any pre-eminence as a man of arms. It was his good fortune in the midst of his political struggles to be associated with the greatest military genius of the age, Von Moltke, the "battle thinker" as he was affectionately called by the Germans. If it is contended that he had an equal in the field of diplomacy, or that as a parliamentarian, others have enjoyed equal achievements, it is extremely doubtful whether in all the history of the world, any single man can be found who has combined both of these qualities to so eminent a degree, and whether any human being has ever carried so long the immense burdens of state as those which Bismarck has so successfully labored under. In view of Bismarck's importance and place in German history, his dismissal from office has evoked much discussion and is perhaps the greatest political sensation of this century. The relation between Bismarck and the old emperor, William I. had always been both congenial and confidential. The old emperor was bound by a debt of gratitude which his grandson did not feel and could not appreciate. And it may be, though it does not appear, that Bismarck now entertained less respect for the judgment of the new than he held for that of the old emperor. I can do no better here than quote from one of Bismarck's biographers a statement of the differences which led to Bismarck's refusal: "Herrvon Bleichroder, the celebrated Berlin banker, inquired, on the 14th of March, whether the chancellor would receive Windthorst (his old parliamentary antagonist), and, on being informed that the chancellor's time was at the disposal of every deputy, Windthorst, who had accompanied Bleichroder to the palace, at once entered, and was closeted with the prince for an hour and a half. Their chief topic of conversation was the position of the center in the new parliament, and the demands of the ultramontane party. Windthorst wished for the restoration of the legislative system of 1870, —a demand which Bismarck at once stigmatized as exhorbitant. This perfectly harmless conversation was reported to the emperor the same day, with many additions. His majesty was informed that Bismarck had sought this interview with his old opponent, in order to negotiate a co-operation or coalition with him, and so to work against the emperor with the aid of the BISMARCK. 898 center. It can easily be understood that this news affected the sovereign most deeply; and Herr von Lucanus, the chief of the civil cabinet, was ordered to convey to the chancellor his majesty's command that in the future he must inform the emperor of his intentions before conferring with deputies upon political matters. Prince Bismarck replied that he must reserve to himself the right of receiving what visitors he pleased in his own house. The next day witnessed the arrival of the emperor at the chancellor's palace at lo a. m. Bismarck was still resting from the labors of the night before, but arose immediately to receive his royal master, who at once demanded the object of the recent interview. The chancellor replied that the matter was purely personal, and, upon the emperor's repeated demand that he should receive timely notice of any negotiations between his min- he replied that he could not submit his ister and the leaders of the parties, intercourse with the various deputies to any supervision, and that his house must remain open to all without condition "Not even if I, your sovereign, command it?" asked the emperor. Bismarck declined to submit even to this, and added that he had remained in office only in fulfillment of a prom- ise made to William I. that he would assist his successor; but that he was now willing to retire, if his majesty so desired it. Bismarck's reply in full, although not fully authenticated, has been published since his death in the newspapers, and is familiar therefore to all who have taken any interest in the details of this affair. The emperor's acceptance of Bismarck's resignation would infer that his chancellor had retired as a matter of choice, but the world was soon apprised that such was not the case. Bismarck now left Berlin in the midst of the most enthusiastic demonstrations, which he styled a "splendid funeral." He retired now to his estate and home in Frederichsruh, an estate presented to him by the emperor in recognition of Bismarck's services at the Franco-Prussian war. Frederichsruh from that day to this has been a veritable Mecca, where pilgrims of the Bismarck school have journeyed by the thousands. Although Bismarck had now retired from public life, it was soon evident that he was not to be lost to the public interest, and that he still assumed some responsibility for the welfare of the Fatherland. A new chancellor had been chosen, whose estimated qualifications for the office led people to believe that it was the determination of the young emperor to become his own chancellor. Some of the well established fruitful policies of the old emperor were now abandoned, and new policies created by which the old were antagonized. This seemed to affect the chancellor more than his dismissal,and he lifted up his voice in condemnation of those time honored policies which had proven in his judgment, advantageous to the empire. In his judgment the emperor was wrong, and he laid before the people his solemn protest for their consideration. The old days of hero worship were again revived, and although the kings and emperors declined to honor him, the people were never more enthusiastic than in the manifestations of their admiration for the great chancellor. His son's wedding at Venice was made the occasion of a triumphal tour through Germany, to the Austrian capital. The emperor saw clearly the dangers and the misfortunes that might arise from the opposition and estrangement of Bismarck. Overtures of peace were made and accepted. The last years of his life were made the happier by reconciliation that brought the combined honors of emperor and people to a man who had made the empire. Writers have taken both sides of this unfortunate difference between Bismarck and the emperor, and criticised one or the other according to the justification which in their judgment belonged to the man-made champion. A discussion of the difference between them would prove at most only tedious to the reader. In justification of Bismarck's criticisms against the reversion of his policies, it may be said to the credit of his protests that the emperor has changed front. That Bismarck's family manifested a spirit of resentment toward the emperor after the chancellor's death has been asserted and denied. We may some day, however, learn whether the emperor himself regarded the conduct of the family, and especially of Herbert Bismarck, as an affront to his royal highness. We are told, and there are evidences to show, that Herbert Bismarck has inherited largely many of the great qualities of his father, and his appointment to those high offices of state which his position and his ability merit, would be a strong denial to the accusations that are now made by those who believe the family of Bismarck is still unfriendly to Emperor William II. While many doubt that he was the greatest, none will question that he was one of the greatest men in this century, and in saying that it is a sequence that he was one of the BISMARCK. 895 greatest men in the world. It is said that he was arbitrary, that he lacked a proper appreciation and consideration for the wishes and the rights of his fellows, and we are pointed to the reichstag and his dealings with that representative body as an evidence of this assertion. Whatever respect, however, the representatives of a free people may be entitled to by virtue of their high office, one cannot truly be said to be inspired by the highest admiration for the methods of the German reichstag, when it is remembered that on the 8oth anniversary of the man who made the German Empire, the reichstag voted down a resolution of that body, conveying its congratulations to the prince. It will be difficult, indeed it is impossible to compute the immense influence which the life of this man has had and will have upon the German nation. That it will continue, that his name will be still more glorified in the annals of history, let no man doubt. To unify was the purpose of his life, and his great achievement is to be found rather in the unity of his life and purposes than in the brilliancy of any single efforts. The end justifies the beginning. In all things he recognized the Hand that overrules the destiny of nations. To his mind he was but a simple instrument of divine purpose. His epitaph may be written on a tombstone, but it will be read in the hearts of a grateful nation and of an admiring world.