---
title: Improvement Era
description: Monthly periodical of the Mormon church, 1897 onward. This library holds the issues of November 1897 to December 1930.
authors:
  - Tanner, J. M.
collections:
  - periodicals
tags:
  - magazine
  - improvement-era
periodical: Improvement Era
volume: 1
number: 6
published: 1898-04
publisher: Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations
publisher_place: Salt Lake City
language: en
type: magazine
reference: 'J. M. Tanner, "China and the European Nations," *Improvement Era* 1, no. 6 (April 1898): 419–424.'
source:
  url: https://archive.org/details/improvementera16unse
  transcription: Transcribed from the Internet Archive scan of each issue (the item for each issue is named in the issue's own source); unnumbered advertising leaves are omitted, printed page numbers are kept as page markers.
  identifier: improvementera16unse
start_page: 419
end_page: 424
rights:
  status: public-domain
  basis: US publication 1930 or earlier (published 1898-04)
  source: https://archive.org/details/improvementera16unse
  publication_year: 1898
  note: The Internet Archive item metadata carries a blanket "© Copyright by Intellectual Reserve, Inc." notice. The library owner judged it inapplicable because this issue was published in 1898, before 1931; a scan-level notice does not restore copyright.
---

# China and the European Nations

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CHINA AND THE EUROPEAN NATIONS.
BY PROFESSOR JOSEPH M. TANNER,    PRESIDENT OF AGRICULTURAL
                    COLLEGE, LOGAN, UTAH.

    Before the close of 1897 news came to us of the murder
of two Roman Catholic missionaries, of Germany,     by a Chi-
nese mob.    Shortly afterwards the diplomatic world was
aroused by the announcement that the German officer in Chi-
nese waters had landed his troops, and that later on Emperor
William made a dramatic and somewhat bombastic address
to his brother Henry who,    by Imperial command, was to take
his departure with two men-of-war to reinforce the small Ger-
man squadron already off the coast of China. The immedi-
ate result of this expedition was the demand on the part of
Germany and the concession on the part of China of an im-
portant harbor at Kiao-Chou.
     It does not appear that the Chinese government was in

any way responsible for the action of the mob, nor that it was
consulted, or that satisfaction was asked before the landing
Of the troops, and China granted as freely as it was asked the
port which the Germans demanded in reparation of the
wrong done to its missionaries. Just what the reparation for
the death of these missionaries will be no one can tell, and it
does not appear to be a matter of much consequence. We
are told that the occupation of this port is to be merely a
temporary one; but from the experience of other nations we
have learned what this means, especially whenever the occu-
pation offers any prolonged advantages whatever to the power
in possession.   The French have a proverb growing out of
their experience with provisional governments in France,

<!-- page:420 -->

which says:     "There is nothing more lasting than the pro-
visional."
    This action on the part of Germany has aroused the most
intense feeling throughout England, and the German Em-
peror is just now the recipient of those usual epithets with
which the English papers so universally characterize him,
such as, "William the Witless," "His Sacredness," "The
Most Holy William;" epithets of derision that show the feel-
ing of the English people in a very large degree towards the
Emperor and      his subjects,     for the   Germans very naturally
resent such disrespectful utterances, from the very fact that
whatever exuberance or unbounded enthusiasm may manifest
itself in his utterances they are nevertheless united with him

in the policy which he, by many of his statements, repre-
sents.
       The most natural question, therefore, that one is led to
ask,   is why all this alarm in England?  It is the commercial

antagonism of the two countries, manifest in another quarter
of the world.  England is in possession today of seven-
eights of the foreign trade of China, a trade that is variously

estimated at from $75,000,000 to $150,000,000 a year.      Ger-
many is competing for a share of this commerce, and within
the last few years has established a trade reaching something
like $10,000,000    a year. has been said that during the
                              It

last seven or eight months of 1897this trade with Germany
fell away to some extent; a circumstance that must have

given some apprehension to the industrial classes of the Ger-
man Empire.    Competition in all oriental countries is very
unlike the competition among civilized races.   There it de-
pends largely upon political influence, special concessions,
and such opportunities as a nation may obtain by reason of
its intrigues at court, and other political advantages easily

secured among the corrupt officials of an empire like China.
Just what the cause has been of Germany's losses in trade,
no one can know precisely, and yet those familiar with orien-
tal methods may very readily surmise that that factor which

is called influence has had its bearings in favor of England

recently, in spite of Germany, and to obtain this influence
Germany must manifest her power, over-awe public officials

<!-- page:421 -->

CHINA AND THE EUROPEAN NATIONS.                          421

and in some measure menace the empire in order to command
that respect which will give to Germany the same influence
and opportunities which England enjoys. The free port
theory is misleading.     It   may mean much to a country like
ours, or to any civilized nation; but      it   means less   in a coun-
try like China.                          seems quite fair on its
                  It is very plausible, it

face; but there is an old proverb which says:      "When two
things are the same they are not just alike;" and trade in such
countries must take into consideration other factors which
generally go under the name of national influence, whatever
that may be or mean, in securing special or secret conces-
sions from officials who enrich themselves by a systematic
process of corruption.   That influence is sometimes met by
counter methods which obtained it for others, and very fre-
quently by an aggressive policy and a threatening attitude to-
ward the government itself.
     There are undoubtedly two distinct motives which have
led Germany to this action.        In the first place,   Germany de-
sires a foreign market for her over-production, and this trade
induces her to act in such a manner as to force the Chinese
themselves to yield, and then brings to the attention of those
adventurous and speculative Germans the opportunities of
commerce in the Celestial empire. With the dominant poli-
tical influence in the East German subjects would receive en-
couragement to launch forth such enterprises as may redound
to the advantage of Fatherland.    Doubtless many more Ger-
mans will soon seek investments in that country.
    In the second place, Germany seeks to establish a navy
having some similitude to those of France and England.
The opposition to this in Germany is very strong, and to
overcome this opposition such demonstrations as these in
which public sentiment is aroused, as well as national resent-
ment against the taunts and reproaches of foreign countries,
styling Germany's warships "tubs," and bombastically de-
claring that with the slightest effort on the part of England
they would all take their course to the bottom of the sea,
must naturally create in Germany some national sentiment in
favor of a strong navy.        A navy, too, is a very great factor in
oriental commerce.      The advantages and concessions which

<!-- page:422 -->

the great nations,   or the European nations obtain at the
courts of oriental monarchs, depend much upon the military
show they are able to make, and especially if they are a
strong naval power.      This influence secures in turn trade, so
that the over-awing power of the navy is a necessary concomi-
tant to commercial advantages in oriental countries.   Hence,
England's unprecedented and unparalleled influence among
the Asiatics in this respect. England's navy has been a most
powerful factor in the competition that has kept other coun-
tries from this immense oriental trade.
       There is much speculation at present about apolitical di-
vision of the Chinese empire, but for the present the division
is    confined to zones of influence.   In that empire France,
England and Russia have already been aggressive, and it may
be that before many years this tottering fabric of oriental cor-
ruptions and race contentions may fall to pieces.      Like the
Turk, the Chinaman is also regarded as a very sick man,
whose estate must soon be distributed to his successors in
interest.  This fact makes it desirable that each prospective
heir among the foreign nations be in a position to make valid
claims to certain portions of the empire.      It will   be neces-
sary for these heirs to be on the spot to command the great-
est possible influence in order to secure the greatest estate of
modern times, if not the greatest the world has ever known.
The promises of reward in America were, and likewise those
in Africa are, small when compared with the opportunities
for national spoils   which a division of the Chinese empire
now offers.     Commercial China is perhaps worth twenty Af-
ricas.  It is only within the last few years, or indeed the last

year or two, that these conditions in China have been so
manifestly apparent.    China was thought rather undesirable
any further than her small foreign trade offered advantages,
and chiefly to England, whose claim nobody seemed to
question.   Since, however, the war with Japan demonstrated
the lethargy and want of national sentiment in China, and
whatever sentiment toward that country has arisen, the Chi-
nese themselves do not appear to encourage that exclusive-
ness which it seems to be the wish of a corrupt government
to maintain.    For that reason new enterprises and mam-

<!-- page:423 -->

CHINA AND THE EUROPEAN NATIONS.                     423

moth undertakings are under way for the purpose of develop-
ing the latent resources of commercial life in China.   Great
projects are afoot, and the commercial industry of so many
millions of people must afford vastly increased opportunities
to nations dealing with her.    Russia   is              most
                                              there, for the
part, to encourage territorial aggrandizement   and obtain all
the concessions necessary to promote the mammoth scheme
connected with the great Trans-Siberian railroad. France
seeks territorial advantages on the south; Germany and Eng-
land are facing the center of the Celestial Empire as the two
most prominent antagonists; for central China offers vastly
greater opportunities for trade and commercial enterprises
than either the north or the south.
     One thing is apparent, and that is that Germany is en-
couraged openly by Russia and tacitly by France. Both
of these countries would gladly curtail England's great com-
mercial advantages in China.    We have hardly come to rea-
lize the commercial conflict which today is going on between
Germany and England. It perhaps may seem unimportant
when its present status only is taken into consideration; but
it is marvelous when its unparalleled growth within the last

ten years becomes manifest.    To surrender the commercial
advantages which England has hitherto exclusively enjoyed
would be as menacing to the industrial life of England and
the welfare of that kingdom as an encroachment upon its
territorial domains, if, indeed, England could not afford to
lose much of her territory rather than suffer an invasion of
her markets.    This is manifest in all English writings, echoed
by the dailies, and soberly and conservatively set forth by
her great magazines, of which the following from the pen of
W. T. Stead is a fair representation:
    "It is that our industrial and manufacturing supremacy,
the basis upon which the whole edifice of the empire rests, is
now for the first time seriously threatened by the competi-
tion of Germany on the one hand and by that of the United
States on the other.    Those who have studied the subject
most closely are the most alarmed at the significance of the
omens which in the present foreshadow the course of events
in the future."

<!-- page:424 -->

The murder of these missionaries must have seemed    to
many a German a godsend to the commercial advantages of
Fatherland.    Germany's navy is today in Chinese waters not
to measure   arms with that of any great power. Germany
would be a loser in a contest even with Japan. The squad-
ron is there simply to dictate terms to the Emperor and offi-
cials of China, and to secure for the German trade those se-
cret advantages that come within what is popularly called
the national sphere of influence.
